Bulgaria was in the Second World War. Bulgarian armored forces in World War II
After defeat in the First World War, Bulgaria, according to the Treaty of Neuilly of 1919, lost access to the Aegean Sea, the western outskirts and Macedonia. She could have an army of only 33 thousand people (including 20 thousand - ground troops). Bulgaria was prohibited from having aircraft, submarines and any types of heavy weapons. However, throughout the interwar period, revanchist sentiments persisted in the country. They wanted to take away Macedonia from Yugoslavia and Greece, Western Thrace from Greece, Southern Dobruja from Romania, and Eastern Thrace with Adrianople (Edirne) from Turkey.+
Tsar Boris intended to build Great Bulgaria in alliance with Nazi Germany. After the occupation of Czechoslovakia in March 1939, Germany began supplying captured Czechoslovak weapons to the Bulgarian army. Located in the center of the Balkans, Bulgaria occupied an advantageous strategic position. From its territory it was possible to strike both Istanbul and Romania, Yugoslavia and Greece. Therefore, Hitler sought to make Bulgaria his ally. When Bulgaria demanded the return of Southern Dobruja from Romania in August 1940, Germany and Italy had the matter referred to a special International Court of Arbitration in Vienna, where the German and Italian Foreign Ministers Ribbentrop and Ciano decided that the demanded territory should be handed over Bulgaria.
However, Stalin also had his own plans for Bulgaria, who was going to turn it into his satellite. During Molotov's visit to Berlin in November 1940, the Soviet side sought German consent to conclude a Soviet-Bulgarian mutual assistance pact along the lines of those already concluded with the Baltic countries, and to establish Soviet military bases there. Hitler rejected these proposals under the pretext that there was no need to drag Bulgaria into the war. Although on November 12, 1940 he signed a directive on the preparation military operation against Greece using Bulgarian territory as a springboard.
Nevertheless, on November 24, the Soviet government invited Sofia to conclude a mutual assistance pact. The Bulgarian communists (Bulgarian Workers' Party) began a massive propaganda campaign for the acceptance of Soviet proposals. After the Soviet diplomat Arkady Sobolev who arrived in Sofia, this campaign was called the “Sobolev Action”. 340 thousand signatures were collected calling on Tsar Boris to accept the Soviet proposal. However, the tsar and the pro-German prime minister, historian Bogdan Filov, understood that if a mutual assistance treaty was signed, Bulgaria would face the fate of the Baltic states. They decided to seek protection from Germany. On February 2, 1941, Bulgaria and Germany agreed on the deployment of German troops on Bulgarian territory. On March 1, 1941, Filov signed a protocol in Vienna on Bulgaria’s accession to the Tripartite Pact of Germany, Italy and Japan. Bulgaria refused to start fighting against Yugoslavia and Greece, but agreed to provide its territory to German troops to attack them, and subsequently occupy Macedonia and move 6 divisions to the Turkish border. In April 1941, Bulgarian troops occupied Macedonia and Western Thrace without a fight. 42,466 km2 of territory with a population of 1.9 million people were annexed to Bulgaria. Great Bulgaria arose from Black to Aegean Sea. But it didn't last long.
After Germany declared war on the United States, on December 7, 1941, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, and on December 12 - England. On December 13, Bulgaria declared war on England and the USA. After the German attack on the USSR, Moscow tried to intensify partisan movement In Bulgaria. 55 BRP activists were illegally transported to Bulgarian territory by submarines and planes. One of the submarines, Shch-204, was sunk by Bulgarian patrol ships in the Varna area on December 6, 1941. The crew of 46 people, led by Lieutenant Commander Ivan Mikhailovich Gritsenko, died. Two more Soviet submarines, S-34 and Shch-211, were blown up by mines and sank in Bulgarian territorial waters in November 1941.
The paratroopers were supposed to organize terror and sabotage against German troops, police and members of the government. However, the saboteurs did not even have civilian clothes or stable connections. During the Sobolev Action, the Bulgarian police identified almost all Soviet and communist agents and arrested them after June 22, 1941. New envoys from Moscow are also captured. In June 1942, the Paratrooper Trial took place in Sofia. 18 of the 27 defendants were shot, including the head of the Military Commission of the Central Committee of the BKP, Colonel Tsvyatko Radoynov. In July, 6 more members of the Central Committee of the BRP were shot. Partisan units could not influence the situation in Bulgaria. They were either destroyed or blocked in the mountains. During 1941-1943, 378 detachments and underground groups were defeated.
However, Germany's defeat became inevitable, and Bulgaria inevitably fell into the Soviet sphere of influence. In August 1943, shortly after meeting with Hitler, Tsar Boris died. The monarch's heart could not stand the realization of the sad prospects for his country. After the defeat of German troops in Romania, the Red Army reached the Bulgarian border at the end of August 1944. On August 26, the government of Ivan Bagryanov from the Agrarian Party announced complete neutrality and demanded the withdrawal of German troops from Bulgaria. The USSR did not recognize him. At the end of August, the Germans sank 74 of their ships in Bulgarian ports.
On September 5, the new multi-party government of Konstantin Muraviev declared war on Germany. On the same day, troops of the 3rd Ukrainian Front, in cooperation with Black Sea Fleet crossed the border in Dobruja and began advancing deeper into Bulgaria. On September 6, the USSR declared war on Bulgaria. Bulgarian troops were ordered not to resist. On September 9, the communists and the Bulgarian Agricultural Union, with the support of the army led by the Minister of War, Lieutenant General Ivan Marinov, carried out a coup and formed the government of the Fatherland Front, headed by Lieutenant General Kimon Georgiev. In the government, the communists received key posts as ministers of internal affairs and justice; they relied on the help of the Union control commission on a truce led by Marshal Fyodor Tolbukhin, commander of the 3rd Ukrainian Front. On September 16, Soviet troops entered Sofia.
Context
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Le Huffington Post 03/05/2013In 1944-1945, 290 thousand Bulgarian soldiers took part in hostilities in Yugoslavia, Hungary and Austria against German and Hungarian troops. According to the Paris Peace Treaty, concluded on February 10, 1947, Bulgaria renounced Yugoslav Macedonia and territorial acquisitions in Greece, but retained Southern Dobruja. She had to pay reparations in the amount of 70 million dollars over 8 years. Until the end of the 1980s, an authoritarian communist regime was established in the country.
The losses of Bulgarian troops during occupation service in Yugoslavia and Greece in 1941-1944, mainly as a result of clashes with local partisans, amounted to about 3 thousand killed. In addition, 2,320 Bulgarian communist partisans and underground fighters were killed in battle and 199 were executed. In clashes with them, the Bulgarian army and police lost about 800 killed. The losses of the Bulgarian army in 1944-1945, when it acted on the side of the Anti-Hitler coalition, amounted to 10 thousand 124 killed and died from wounds and diseases and 21 thousand 541 wounded. In 1941, Soviet submarines sank the Bulgarian transport Shipka and the schooner Success. The casualties among the crews could amount to several dozen people.
The civilian population of Bulgaria suffered significant losses during Anglo-American air raids on Sofia and other Bulgarian cities. Thus, on January 10, 1944, which the Bulgarians call “Black Monday,” during a raid by American and British “flying fortresses,” 750 people were killed and 710 were injured, and 4,100 buildings were destroyed. After this, 300 thousand residents left Sofia. An equally strong raid on the Bulgarian capital was carried out on March 30, 1944, when about 2 thousand were reported in the city. fires. There were almost no basements or bomb shelters in Sofia, which increased the number of victims.
In total, in 1943-1944, allied aviation carried out about 23 thousand sorties over the territory of Bulgaria. At 186 Bulgarian settlements 45 thousand tons of high explosive and incendiary bombs. 12 thousand buildings were destroyed, 4 thousand 208 were killed and 4 thousand 744 people were injured. Bulgarian air defense 65 Allied aircraft were shot down, primarily by fighters, and another 71 aircraft were damaged. During combat missions over Bulgaria, the Allies lost 585 people, of whom 329 were captured, 187 were killed and 69 died of wounds. The losses of the Bulgarian aviation amounted to 24 fighters, another 18 aircraft were damaged. 19 pilots were killed. In total, the Bulgarian armed forces lost 41 killed and 49 wounded when repelling the raids. One of the purposes of the intensive Allied air raids on Bulgaria in the first half of 1944 was to create the impression among the Germans that landings of the main Allied forces were to follow in the Balkans.
Beginning in September 1944, Bulgarian aviation lost 15 aircraft and 18 pilots in battles against the Germans. After the communists came to power on September 9, 1944, 2,618 people were killed and executed - army officers, police and officials, as well as representatives of the propertied classes. After the fall of the communist regime they were rehabilitated. In total, Bulgaria lost 23 thousand 500 dead in World War II. Of these, 18 thousand are military and partisans. These losses were the smallest among German allies, largely due to the fact that Bulgarian troops did not fight on the Eastern Front.
InoSMI materials contain assessments exclusively foreign media and do not reflect the position of the editorial board of InoSMI.
In Silistra, a monument to Soviet soldiers has been preserved, and there is even a tank. No one spoils them, on the monument there are a couple of bouquets and a lone wreath from the Russian Consulate (April 2016). More than 70 years have passed since the Second World War, but it is still alive in the memory, and questions about it still excite minds. One of these questions is why the Bulgarians fought against Russia, i.e. THE USSR? It would seem that the countries were in good relations, they even fought shoulder to shoulder in the Russian-Turkish war, and here you are, such a surprise (although in fairness it must be said that in those years the USSR rather opposed itself to the Russian Empire, which liberated the Bulgarians, and was not considered its successor at all).
In fact, Bulgaria's behavior during the war seems unexpected only because of a lack of information. Another question is that there is practically no information in Russian on this matter, and what is available is rather biased. We will try to fill this gap to the best of our ability, although we cannot promise absolute objectivity.
From the very beginning
So, in 1878, Bulgaria became free, although not entirely independent - the country gained independence only 20 years later. Representatives of the Ottoman and Russian Empires signed the Treaty of San Stefano, according to which Bulgaria came out of power Ottoman Empire. A few months later, under pressure from Austria-Hungary, a new peace treaty was signed in Berlin - according to it, Bulgaria remained partially deprived of its rights and lost part (and a considerable part) of its territories.
It was extremely difficult for the Bulgarians to come to terms with this. At the beginning of the 20th century, several attempts were made to reunify with regions that historically belonged to Bulgaria. With Eastern Rumelia (its capital is Plovdiv, the oldest Bulgarian and even European city), the trick was a success. But attempts to take Macedonia (which was then called Western Bulgaria) did not lead to anything good. After two Balkan wars, and then the First World War (why Bulgaria turned out to be an enemy in it Russian Empire, we will definitely write later) led to the fact that the Bulgarian economy fell into decay. Moreover, Bulgaria lost big piece territory - Southern Dobruja. This region went to Romania.
World War II in Bulgaria
By the beginning of World War II, Bulgaria came with the same dream - to return the lost territories at any cost. The situation in the world was heating up. On the one hand, the fascists became more and more powerful. On the other hand, the communists. Majority European countries I felt like I was between a rock and a hard place. The only chance to survive in this mess was to find reliable allies.
Residents of Dobrich, returned to Bulgaria, welcome the Bulgarian army Until March 1, 1941, Bulgaria remained a neutral power. During this period, Bulgarian diplomats successfully maneuvered between the main forces in Europe, trying to return the country's lost rights and territories. Their efforts were crowned with success - in 1940, Southern Dobruja was returned to Bulgaria. After this event, maintaining neutrality became more difficult: Germany and Italy insisted that Bulgaria join the war on their side. This was explained both by the need to open a second front against Greece and by the fact that it was convenient to get to Romania through Bulgaria.
The Bulgarian Tsar understood perfectly well that they were making him an offer that could not be refused. If he had refused, little Bulgaria would simply have been conquered by potential allies, as they, in fact, have clearly stated more than once. And so there was a chance to defend their interests. And Bulgaria entered the war on the side fascist Germany.
Did Bulgaria fight against the USSR?
I must say, the ally from Bulgaria came out so-so. Firstly, the country categorically refused to send its soldiers to the Eastern Front. There were less than a hundred people willing to volunteer throughout the country, and Tsar Boris categorically objected even to the formation of voluntary units for the war on the Eastern Front.
Consequences of the British bombing in Sofia Secondly, the fascist order in Bulgaria was accepted without much enthusiasm. For example, Bulgaria became the only state that collaborated with Germany, but... In general, Bulgaria finally entered the war only after the defeat of Yugoslavia and Greece in the hope of gaining part of the territories that were considered traditionally Bulgarian. We managed to do this.
Tsar Boris tried to maintain neutrality to the last; he never declared war on the USSR (war was declared only by the USA and Great Britain). There was a Soviet embassy in the country, which is quite strange, given that Bulgaria was an ally of the Third Reich.
Meanwhile, a turning point had come in the war - now the Soviet troops began to win. Under unknown circumstances, almost immediately after the meeting with Hitler, Tsar Boris, who was the main unifying figure of the Bulgarian people, died. The heir to the throne was still too young, and this aggravated the crisis. Partisans and underground communist organizations were active in the country.
Chronicle of events
In May 1944, the USSR demanded that Bulgaria immediately sever relations with Germany. On August 26, the Bulgarian government declared neutrality in the war between the USSR and the Third Reich and insisted on the withdrawal of German troops from the country. On September 2, the government changed in the country - last try avoid war with the USSR. However, on September 5, the USSR declared war on Bulgaria, and on September 8, the very day that Bulgaria declared war on Germany, Soviet troops entered the country. At the same time, on the night of September 8-9, 1944, a military coup took place - supporters of the USSR came to power with the active support of Soviet troops.
The consequences of the “Devetoseptemvriyski turn” coup were quite sad. The new government destroyed all its opponents - from politicians to journalists, from bankers to teachers - at the most short time. The repression, called the “People's Court,” continued until the end of the year. By different estimates, the number of people convicted by the “People's Court” varies from 20 to 40 thousand.
Liberators or occupiers? Traitors or victims?
There are photographs of Bulgarians greeting Soviet troops with flowers. Similar photographs of the meeting of German troops have also been preserved. Where is the truth? As always, somewhere in the middle. It is unlikely that the whole country was in a single impulse, first for the fascists, and then for the communists - they were different people And different opinions. At some moments, the interests of the Bulgarians coincided with the interests of some, and at others, with the interests of others.
On September 9, 1944, in Silistra, the valiant troops of the Red Army entered Bulgarian lands. Your feat and our gratitude forever cement our fraternal friendship. From grateful Silistren residents. Bulgarians are masters of vague formulations. One way or another, Soviet troops entered Bulgaria without fighting. Modern stories about USSR soldiers who shed blood for Bulgaria are fiction. The liberation of Bulgaria was also very conditional, since it is not clear from whom the country was liberated - German troops were practically withdrawn from Bulgaria by this time.
Starting in the autumn of 1944, Bulgaria began to fight on the side of the USSR (and the Bulgarian army fought a lot, for example, it took part in the liberation of Yugoslavia and the Balaton operation - until the end of the war, its losses amounted to about 32 thousand people). At the same time, the country was forced to return the annexed territories of Greece and Yugoslavia.
In general, in a short summary, the facts are as follows: at the beginning of the war, Bulgaria was an ally of Germany, but did not declare war on the USSR and did not fight on the Eastern Front. And at the end of the war, Bulgaria became an ally of the USSR, and it was on its side that it fought with Germany very actively.
After the war, Bulgaria found itself in international isolation, but under the tutelage of the USSR. On September 8, 1946, a referendum was held in the presence of Soviet troops, after which a new state appeared on the map of Europe - People's Republic Bulgaria.
Until 1989 it was believed that Soviet army liberated Bulgaria, after the collapse of the socialist regime, the prevailing view was that Bulgaria was occupied by Soviet troops. The country became socialist and remained so until 1989, when the government of Todor Zhivkov was overthrown.
But that's a completely different story.
Unlike Russian Federation, and other former republics of the USSR and European Union, in Bulgaria on the ninth of May they celebrate not Victory Day, but Europe Day, practically not honoring those tens of thousands of their compatriots who died in the fight against fascism in Last year war. This article describes Bulgaria's dramatic and controversial participation in World War II.
Alliance with the Third Reich
It is well known that Bulgaria supported the Nazi Reich in World War II. Cooperation between the Bulgarian government and Germany began in the 30s of the last century. Then the Germans systematically armed the Bulgarian army. The Nazis also began to refurbish the Bulgarian ports of Burgas and Varna to accommodate their naval forces. Already in the winter of 1940-1941, a specialized Luftwaffe group headed to Bulgaria, whose main task was to prepare Bulgarian airfields for German aircraft to land on them.Simultaneously with this process, the construction of new modern airfields began. Over time, a special transport service was founded in Sofia and 25 transport communications facilities were built, which were taken under protection German soldiers, although wearing the uniform of Bulgarian military personnel.
The Controversial Aspect of Cooperation
At the very beginning of 1941, the Fuhrer planned to seize Yugoslavia and Greece, and to implement these plans he simply needed to have Bulgarian territory under control as a springboard for the invasion. It is this fact that modern Bulgarian historians present as the dilemma that faced Tsar Boris the Third. He had two options: either expose the country to war, or voluntarily let in the Nazi armies. Therefore, in World War II, Bulgaria actually became a victim of the provocative policies of the Third Reich.Bulgaria and the Berlin Pact
As you know, the Bulgarian Tsar Boris had diplomatic flexibility, so he tore out a voluntary union. In the spring of 1941, Bulgaria signed the Berlin Pact, which was also called “Berlin-Rome-Tokyo”. Within a month, German troops marched through the country and invaded Greece and Yugoslavia, while the Bulgarian army also took part in the expansion.Thus, Bulgaria entered the Second World War. For this, Hitler rewarded her with part of Macedonia, Northern Greece and Serbia. Naturally, this was a fiction. Thus, by the end of April 1941, the territory of the Bulgarian state increased almost one and a half times, and Boris III announced the creation of “Great Bulgaria” and the unification of all people into single state, again fictitious.
Of course, all socio-economic processes were controlled from Berlin.
Being an ally of Nazi Germany, Bulgaria was not hostile to many countries of the anti-Hitler coalition; there were even diplomatic relations with the USSR. Thus, the Bulgarian capital contained embassies of all sides of the confrontation, which is why Sofia was called the “capital of espionage” during the war years.
Entering the war
After the attack of Nazi Germany on the USSR, on June 22, 1941, Adolf Hitler persistently demanded that the Bulgarian Tsar send military units to the Eastern Theater of War. But the prudent Boris, fearing unrest in society, refused such demands. That is, Bulgaria practically did not fight against the Soviet Union during the Second World War.Bulgaria officially entered hostilities in mid-December 1941, when, in accordance with Nazi demands, it declared war on the Anti-Hitler coalition. Boris III allowed the Germans to use all economic resources country, and also took discriminatory measures against Bulgarian Jews, of whom there were very many living in the country. These actions were terrible in their consequences.
Anti-fascist resistance
In 1941-1943, Bulgarian anti-fascists and socialists entered into a fierce struggle in the German rear and organized a resistance movement. In 1942, the Fatherland Front of Anti-Fascist Resistance was formed. And the offensive of the Red Army on the Eastern Front further inspired the anti-fascist movement. In 1943, the Bulgarian Workers' Party created a rebel army, the number of which constantly grew, and by the end of the war there were 30 thousand partisans. In World War II, Bulgaria, as a state, was an ally of the Reich, but many Bulgarians did not recognize this vile alliance.Attempts to interrupt the Bulgarian-German alliance
When the German Reich began to suffer its first defeats on the Eastern Front, the Bulgarian Tsar began to make attempts to break the shameful alliance with A. Hitler, but in August 1943, after a diplomatic meeting with the Fuhrer, he died suddenly. Meanwhile, the Bulgarian government council, which ruled on behalf of the son of Boris III - Simeon, only began to follow a pro-German course, showing the most “cute” policy towards the anti-human regime.Ineffectual Neutrality
The victory of Soviet troops at Stalingrad and their subsequent offensives, which brought Germany many military defeats, as well as the bombing of Sofia that began air force The USA and England caused a government coup in July 1944. The new authorities made attempts to bring peace to the Bulgarian lands and asked for peace from the USSR and allies. At the end of August 1944, the government declared the complete neutrality of Bulgaria and issued an ultimatum to German troops to leave the country. But all efforts came to naught. Germany did not comply with any demands, and peace negotiations failed. The new government resigned. On September 2, 1944, a new government was formed, which lasted only a few days, as Soviet troops crossed the Bulgarian border.Since Bulgaria had the status of an ally of the Third Reich during World War II, Soviet Union declared war on it on September 5, 1944, and already on September 8 the Red Army entered the country. An interesting fact is that on that very day, Bulgaria declared war on Nazi Germany, and found itself in a state of hostilities both against the former allies and against the anti-Hitler coalition. But the very next day, another coup d’etat took place in the country, as a result of which the Fatherland Front came to power, and at the end of October 1944 a truce was signed in Moscow.
Bulgaria's participation in the war against Germany
In the early autumn of 1944, 3 combat-ready armies were formed in Bulgaria, with a total number of about 500 thousand people. The first military clashes between the Nazis and Bulgarian troops took place in Serbia, where supporters of the German regime and those opposed to Hitler, his former allies, the Bulgarians, fought.Within a month, the troops were able to achieve their first military successes; they quickly occupied Macedonia and some areas of Serbia. Afterwards, the first Bulgarian army (about 140 thousand people) was transferred to the Hungarian region, where in March 1945, together with the Red Army, it took part in fierce battles near Lake Balaton, where German tank units made a confident attempt at counter-offensive actions.
Thus, Bulgaria in the Second World War took a contradictory and wait-and-see position, for which one can condemn, but one can also encourage. Moreover, the residents of the country organized significant anti-fascist resistance. And after World War II, Bulgaria became an ally of the USSR.
TIME FOR A CHANGE. 1944-1948 gt.
The defeats of Bulgaria in the Second Balkan and First World Wars, experienced by Bulgarian society as “national catastrophes,” left a painful mark on his mind. The desire to ensure the most favorable exit from the Second World War for Bulgaria, avoiding new territorial losses, determined the political life of the country in 1944-1947.
To win the trust of the states of the anti-Hitler coalition and achieve their support, freeing the country from everything that represented it as an ally of Germany - this was the primary task of the Fatherland Front. In the current situation, special hopes were placed on the Soviet Union, with which the majority of the country’s population also pinned their aspirations.
Thanks to the support of the USSR, Bulgaria received the right to participate in the war against Germany at the final stage. In accordance with the armistice agreement signed in October 1944, the Bulgarian military units were involved in a number of operations to liberate Yugoslavia, Hungary and Austria. Thus, at the end of the war, Bulgaria found itself on the side of the states of the anti-Hitler coalition, which was of utmost importance for it from the point of view of developing the terms of the future peace treaty.
The authority of the Soviet Union, with which Bulgaria restored diplomatic relations in August 1945, directly affected the position of the Bulgarian Workers' Party associated with it. It became the most influential political force in the country. If in September 1944 the BRP, then renamed the BRP (communists), had 13-14 thousand members, then at the end of 1944 - more than 250 thousand.
The Cabinet of the Fatherland Front, in which key positions were occupied by representatives of the People's Union "Zveno" and communists, carried out a "cleansing" of the state apparatus at all its levels. In the army, along with the change of officers, the position of political instructor was introduced. In December 1944, the People's Court, established by government decree, began to function (2 supreme and 64 regional compositions). He was called upon to punish the culprits
Bulgaria's accession to the Tripartite Pact, military prest. nicknames, etc. The sentences passed on them were final and not subject to appeal. According to official data, from October 1944 to March 1945, more than 11 thousand people were brought to justice, among whom were deputies of the People's Assembly, former ministers, police officers, etc. However, there is information that in fact, through the People's Court From 30 to 100 thousand people passed. The total number of death sentences passed exceeded 2 thousand. It was assumed that such measures would strengthen Bulgaria’s position in peace negotiations.
In June 1945, the government issued a decree to hold parliamentary elections on August 26. Preparations for them accelerated the process of political disengagement. Contradictions regarding the strategy and tactics of the Fatherland Front led to the collapse of the BZNS and the BRSDP. Based on the groups that emerged from them, two opposition parties arose: the BZNS under the leadership of N. Pstkov and the BRSDP, led by K. Lulchev and G. Cheshmedzhiev. They launched a fight to postpone the elections. Due to pressure from representatives of the United States and Great Britain in the Federal Control Commission, citing the lack of necessary conditions for the free will of voters, the elections were postponed.
The Fatherland Front allowed four opposition parties to participate in the elections: BZNS N. Petkova, BRSDP K. Lulcheva, as well as the United Radical and Democratic Parties. The most active was the BZNS N. Pstkova. He put forward a number of preconditions for his participation in the elections, demanding, in particular, the resignation of the government. Their failure to comply forced N. Petkov to call on his supporters to boycott the elections. The BZNS was also supported by other opposition forces. The parliamentary elections held on November 18, 1945 brought a convincing victory to the Fatherland Front. More than 80% of those who came to the polling stations voted for him. However, the UK and the US declared the election results invalid because the opposition did not take part in them.
At a meeting of the foreign ministers of Great Britain, the USA and the USSR in December 1945, it was decided to recommend that the Bulgarian government include two representatives of opposition parties who were ready for loyal cooperation with it. In fact, it was about N. Petkov from the BZNS and K. Lulchev from the BRSDP. However, attempts to convince them to enter K. Georgiev’s office were unsuccessful. They refused to make concessions, continuing to insist on holding free parliamentary elections, as well as the liberation of the Ministries of Internal Affairs and Justice from the “diktat” of the communists.
The protracted process of government formation was accompanied by discussions that revolved around the presented
BRP (k) for consideration of the People's Assembly of the bill on confiscation of illegally acquired property. Parliament adopted it in March 1946, reducing the statute of limitations for the law from 20 to 11 years (i.e., according to the law, property acquired starting from January 1, 1935 was subject to inspection). Then the People's Assembly approved the law on agrarian reform (“labor land ownership”), which established the maximum possible size of private land plots (for Dobrudzha - 30 hectares, for other regions - 20 hectares). By the end of 1946, 56.4 thousand hectares of land alienated from 3.6 thousand owners, along with 80 thousand hectares allocated from the state fund, were used by 124 thousand landless and land-poor peasants. In July, the People's Assembly approved a bill on the leadership and control of the army. It provided for the transfer of supreme leadership of the army to the government, determined the rights and responsibilities of political officers, etc. As a result of a new purge in the army carried out by the Commission for the implementation of the law, about 2.5 thousand officers were dismissed. In August 1946, the representative of “Link” D. Velchev lost the post of Minister of War, which went to a member of the BRP (k) G. Damyanov. In general, the laws adopted by parliament in 1946 significantly strengthened the position of the Communist Party.
In July 1946, the People's Assembly decided to put to a referendum the question of the form of government in the country. Opposition parties used the emerging political campaign for anti-government agitation. They characterized the cabinet of K. Georgiev as undemocratic, one-party and dictatorial. However, at the same time, they, like the Fatherland Front, advocated the establishment of a republican form of government in Bulgaria. As a result, in a referendum held on September 8, 1946, 95.6% of those who took part in it voted for the abolition of the institution of the monarchy. Based on this, on September 15, 1946, the People's Assembly proclaimed Bulgaria a People's Republic (PRB). The next day, members of the royal family, accompanied by a small retinue, left the country. After which, the issue of the constitution of the People's Republic of Belarus was on the agenda, which was to be adopted by the Great People's Assembly. Preparations for the elections to the Great People's Assembly scheduled for October 27, 1946 caused an intensification of the political struggle. Representatives of the United States and Great Britain in the Union Control Commission raised the question of the need to ensure conditions in the country for holding truly free elections. The Soviet leadership recommended that the Bulgarian government, regardless of the actions of the United States and Great Britain, follow the chosen political course.
G.l 1h npuncncnpiRj its election campaign based on the propaganda of the draft new constitution he prepared. As a result of the elections held on October 27, 1946, the Fatherland Front received 376 seats in the Great People's Assembly (275 - BRP (k), 69 - BZNS, 8 - People's Union "Zveno", 9 - BRSDP, 1 - independent candidate), while opposition coalition - 99.
The government formed in November 1946, in which 10 out of 20 ministerial portfolios were given to the communists, was headed by G. Dimitrov, who returned from the USSR in November 1945. He also became chairman of the constitutional commission formed by the Great People's Assembly. The question of the constitution turned out to be central in the confrontation between deputies from the BRP (k) and from the opposition parties.
At the beginning of February 1947, a peace treaty with Bulgaria was signed in Paris. Despite the efforts of the USSR, Bulgaria did not receive the status of a country participating in the anti-Hitler coalition, but nevertheless emerged from the war without territorial losses: its borders remained as they existed on January 1, 1941.
After the treaty came into force, Soviet troops and representatives of the Allied Control Commission, which was ceasing its activities, had to leave Bulgaria within 90 days. This circumstance forced the opposition to act more decisively. She, in particular, demanded a ban on the BRP(k), declaring it “fascist”. However, the steps taken by the opposition forces were rather an act of desperation, dictated by the awareness of their own doom. As soon as the US Senate ratified the peace treaty, the Bulgarian authorities ordered the arrest of N. Petkov. In September 1947, immediately after the Paris Peace Treaty came into force, the death sentence imposed on N. Petkov was carried out. Neither the diplomatic intervention of the United States and Great Britain, nor requests for pardon for a number of public figures, including G. Dimitrov’s defense lawyer at the Leipzig trial, saved the leader of the opposition BZNS. His party, under the pretext that it had turned into “an organizational center around which the fascist and restorationist forces of the country are grouped,” was disbanded. Soon the BRSDP shared her fate TO. Lul-cheva, many of whose leaders were also arrested.
Having freed itself from deputies representing opposition parties, the Great People's Assembly adopted the constitution of the NRB on December 4, 1947. According to the constitution, legislative power in the country was transferred to the People's Assembly, executive power to the council of ministers approved by the latter, and local power to local councils and their executive elected for 3 years.
the note of power was granted to his presidium.
At the beginning of February 194S, the 2nd Congress of the Fatherland Front took place. It was decided to transform the Fatherland Front, which was a coalition of five parties, into a mass socio-political organization. In Mas-aBiycic there was a merger of the BRSDP with the BRP (k). At the same time, the People's Union "Link" and the Radical Party entered the Fatherland Front and completely dissolved in it. Only BRP(k) remained, renamed in 1948:. into the Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP), and recognized the leadership role of the BZNS.
Thus, communist party became the only dominant political force in the country under the established two-party system. This provision fully corresponded to the task of accelerating the transition to the construction of socialism, put forward in accordance with the Warsaw Declaration of the Cominform Bureau.
ACHIEVEMENTS AND FAILURES SOCIALIST MODERNIZATION. 1948-1989
Economic development of the People's Republic of Belarus
The V Congress of the BRP (k), held in 1948, planned to certify the process of modernization of Bulgaria in 2-3 five-year plans, taking the Soviet model as a model. It was assumed: to change, through industrialization, the relationship between industry and agriculture in favor of the former; carry out cooperation Agriculture; create a new social structure of society dominated by the working class; transform the party's ideology into a national one.
The prerequisites for the implementation of the planned program for building the foundations of socialism were laid by those adopted in 1947-1948. laws on the nationalization of industrial enterprises and banks, as well as on the introduction of a state monopoly in foreign and domestic wholesale trade.
In 1949-1953 It was possible to reconstruct, build and put into operation over 700 enterprises, create new industries such as mechanical engineering, ferrous and non-ferrous metallurgy, etc., and complete the electrification of the country. The Soviet Union provided significant assistance to Bulgaria, providing it with the necessary loans, raw materials, equipment, and qualified specialists
The socialization of the agricultural sector was considered as one of the sources of industrialization.
Since by mid-1948 there were no noticeable changes in the process of agricultural cooperation, party organizations tried to speed it up. By April 1949, more than 900 new labor cooperative agricultural farms (TKZH) had been created, and the share of socialized lands increased from 4-5 to 12%.
However, the massive violations of the law that occurred in this case, including during the provision of mandatory state supplies, revealed the discontent of the peasants, which manifested itself during the 1949 elections to local councils. The election results forced the leadership of the BCP to adjust its policy towards the peasantry. Was introduced new system purchases of agricultural products so that a certain part of it remains for peasants for free sale.
The country's leadership returned to the idea of forced agricultural cooperation in 1950. Then a special commission of the Central Committee of the BKP developed a dispossession program. During its implementation, peasants were subjected to illegal arrests, fines, etc.
Repression and violent methods of cooperation caused increased tension in the country. Under these conditions, in March 1951, a resolution of the Central Committee of the BCP appeared, condemning the violations of the law committed against the peasants and accusing local leaders of “distorting the correct policy of the party.” After this, many peasants left the TKZH. Nevertheless, by 1953 the cooperative sector covered about 60% of agricultural land.
The process of socialization of the agricultural sector largely determined the slow pace of its development. Only by 1952 was the pre-war level of agricultural production reached.
In 1952, the Bulgarian leadership stated that the country had transformed from an agricultural one into an industrial-agrarian one, and put forward the task of maximizing the development of the production of consumer goods. However, this trend turned out to be short-lived; a departure from it began already in 1956
Over the decade, from 1946 to 1956, due to the intensive development of industry, the social structure of Bulgarian society changed significantly: the share of workers in it increased from 18.7 to 27.7%, and peasants decreased from 64.5 to 35.8%.
The VII Congress of the BCP, held in June 1958, stated that in Bulgaria the material and technical base of socialism had been built and two main forms of ownership had been established - state and cooperative.
In 1959, a course was set for “accelerated economic development” of the country. In order to create the necessary conditions for its implementation, administrative-territorial
reforms. Instead of I? districts, 93 districts, approximately 2 thousand community councils, 28 districts and 994 communities were formed. Moreover, the districts acquired the status of administrative and economic units with fairly broad independence in solving economic problems.
The replacement of the sectoral principle of management with a territorial one forced a number of ministries to restructure their activities. The establishment of the Committee for Technical Progress was also new. Along with it, a whole network of scientific and technical institutes arose in the country, dealing with the problems of improving equipment, technologies and organizing production processes.
Transformations in the field of agriculture began with the consolidation of the cooperative farms that existed in Bulgaria. The united TKZHs had an average of 4,200 hectares of land. In addition, they received equipment that previously belonged to machine and tractor stations. All this was intended to create the necessary basis for the modernization of agriculture, placing TKZH in relatively equal conditions. The system of purchasing agricultural products has also changed - it has become contractual. In this regard, the differences between cooperative and state-owned enterprises are clear. Purchasing prices also became uniform.
However, the volume of agricultural products in the early 60s. still barely exceeded the level of 1939. This forced the country's leadership to increase purchase prices, introduce a fixed minimum wage for cooperators, etc. However, in October 1962, it decided to import grain by concluding an agreement with Canada.
The state of the economy forced us to abandon experiments in decentralizing management.
In the first half of the 60s. The country's leadership switched to a policy of “intensification of social production,” officially approved in 1966. To implement it, it was planned, firstly, to carry out direct technical reconstruction, and secondly, to improve economic management.
Everywhere at enterprises, the replacement of outdated equipment and the mechanization of production areas with a high share of manual labor began. For this purpose, in particular, special teams of “technical progress” were formed, which included scientists, engineers and practitioners. In order to orient scientific institutes To solve specific production problems, the Committee for Technical Progress was transformed into the Committee for Science and Technical Progress. In parallel, a new management mechanism was introduced as an experiment at a number of enterprises.
Until the beginning of the 70s. Priority sectors remained mechanical engineering, ferrous metallurgy, and the chemical industry. But
the preservation of the fundamental elements of the early industrialization model held back real technological modernization.
The Bulgarian leadership explained the inadequacy of the achieved results by the inconsistency of the public administration system with the requirements of technical progress and the scientific and technological revolution and highlighted the need for its reform.
The concept of a “new economic mechanism” was presented in 1979. Reforms designed to increase labor productivity, improve product quality, making it competitive in the world market, were based on the principles of decentralization, “mobilization from below,” self-sufficiency, and the use of elements market economy etc. Sterzhnev’s position was: “the state is the owner, and the labor collective is the owner of the property.”
The results of this policy became noticeable in the early 80s. The development of economic ties with Western European countries also played an important role. In 1975, agreements on economic cooperation for a ten-year period were concluded with West Germany and Portugal, agreements were signed with a number of large international concerns, etc. Thanks largely to the development of the markets of the USA, Japan and Scandinavian countries, as well as the re-export of Soviet oil to Bulgaria in the early 80s. managed to reduce its debt to Western states to some extent (in 1982, Bulgaria's foreign currency debt was halved).
However, the emerging trends of economic recovery turned out to be unstable. In 1984, Bulgaria had to face the first signs of an energy crisis, which led to the introduction of austerity in 1985.
The deterioration of the country's economic situation, largely associated with changes in the policy of the Soviet Union, required the adoption of radical measures, for which the Bulgarian leadership turned out to be completely unprepared. The XIII Congress of the BCP, held in 1986, did not introduce practically anything new, confirming the need to introduce a “new economic mechanism” and introduce the achievements of the scientific and technological revolution.
The confusion of the country's leadership was especially noticeable against the background of the increasingly deepening by the end of the 80s. crisis phenomena. Disorganization of management of economic activities at all levels, problems of foreign economic nature, caused, first of all, by the loss of the Soviet market, led to disruption of the functioning of leading industries. In 1989, a sharp decline in national income was recorded, Bulgaria was faced with the inability to ensure the payment of external debt, which, according to reports published on
December plenum of 1989, according to data, 11.5 billion dollars, inflation increased, a shortage of essential goods arose, hidden unemployment appeared, etc. Growing economic difficulties largely determined the radicalization of public sentiment.
Political and social development NRB
In 1947-1948 The Comic Form Bureau oriented the communist parties of Eastern European countries towards the construction of socialism along the Soviet model. The transition to it was accompanied by widespread widespread purges in management structures and the parties themselves. In Bulgaria in 1949 took place trial over the former member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the BCP, Deputy Prime Minister T, Kostov and “his group”. T. Kostov was sentenced to death on charges of attempting, by agreeing “with the fascist Tito clique,” to turn Bulgaria into a colony of American and British imperialism, in an effort, together with the Yugoslav leaders, to deprive the country of “national sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence, annexing all to Yugoslavia and, first of all, by annexing the Pi-Roman region to Yugoslav Macedonia *, and other crimes.
The trial of T. Kostov became one of the episodes in the struggle for power that unfolded after the death of G. Dimitrov. V. Chervenkov, who headed the party, also headed the government in February 1950.
As a result of the purge carried out in the BCP, the party was reduced by approximately 100 thousand people until April 1951. Among those expelled, many of whom ended up in labor camps, were 13 members of the PC, 6 members of the Politburo and 10 ministers. Organized repressions caused both domestic and foreign policy complications. The trial of a former interpreter at the US Embassy in Bulgaria, in which he was forced to accuse the American ambassador of espionage, led in 1950 to a breakdown in relations between the two countries.
The changes that came after the death of I. Stalin in the USSR served as an impetus for the leadership of the BCP to revise the previous political line. In September 195.1 V. Chervenkov expressed his desire to normalize relations with Yugoslavia, Greece and the USA. In 1954, the labor camps ceased to exist. In accordance with the outlined course, prices for basic necessities were reduced, wage a number of categories of workers, amendments were made to the dissatisfied laws on labor discipline and emigration.
The VI Congress of the BCP, held in February-March 1954, abolished the post of General Secretary, replacing it with a secretariat of three people. The congress elected Todor Zhivkov (1911-199S), a member of the Politburo since 195, as the first secretary of the Central Committee of the BCP! G.
In April 1956, the plenum of the Central Committee of the BCP, following the 20th Congress of the CPSU, condemned the “cult of personality” as a style and method of leadership, noted the need to affirm “Leninist principles” in internal party life, as well as the development of independent initiative of labor collectives and public organizations.
In the current situation, personnel changes were inevitable. V. Chervenkov, associated with the period of the “cult of personality,” was forced to resign from the post of prime minister. His place was taken by A. Yugov, known as a victim of the “Chervenkov terror,” and V. Chervenkov himself became his deputy. At the same time, the positions of the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the BCP T. Zhivkov, who showed himself to be an unshakable supporter of N. S. Khrushchev, were noticeably strengthened.
The contradictions that existed between V. Cherlsnkov, A. Yugov and T. Zhivkov, as well as the inability of any of the factions to secure a dominant position in the BCP before 1962, created the preconditions for the establishment of a “collective” leadership in the party.
Despite the fact that the April 1956 plenum highlighted the tasks of accelerated industrialization to complete the cooperation of agriculture as obligatory prerequisites for the “victory of socialism”, the Central Committee of the BCP, under the influence of external and internal factors was forced to pay attention to the social sphere. It was supposed to provide cooperators with the right to receive pensions along with income from work in TKZH, increase minimum pensions and wages, reduce the working week from 48 to 44 hours, expand!, the network of canteens at enterprises and institutions with a simultaneous reduction in their prices, etc. n. The implementation of the planned measures was significantly accelerated under the influence of the unrest that began in October 1956 in Hungary.
Despite the absence of manifestations of open discontent in Bulgaria, the authorities nevertheless considered it necessary to bring combat readiness troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, begin to create special working detachments, etc. At party meetings, calls were again heard to “bring down an iron fist on the active class enemy” and to purge “enemy elements with an iron broom” from state institutions. The new purge in the party affected primarily those who, during the short-term “thaw,” showed signs of freethinking.
The failures associated with the policy of “accelerated economic development” worsened in the late 50s. contradictions in the country's leadership. The signal for an open clash was the XXII Congress of the CPSU, at which N.S. Khrushchev subjected Stalin's activities to harsher criticism than at the 20th Congress.
At subsequent plenums and meetings of the Central Committee of the BCP, the blame for the “mistakes made” was placed on V. Chervenkov. In 1961, he was removed from the post of Deputy Prime Minister, and in 1962 he was removed from the Central Committee of the BCP and expelled from the party.
The imbalance of power in the “collective” leadership led to increased confrontation between T. Zhivkov and A. Yugov. On the eve of the upcoming party congress, A. Yugov spoke at a meeting of the Central Committee with a negative assessment of the 20-year economic development plan for Bulgaria developed with the assistance of the Soviet side, and also criticized the USSR policy towards China and Cuba. Then T. Zhivkov urgently went to Moscow, where received assurances of support from the Soviet leadership and N.S. personally. Khrushchev. A. Yugov was removed from the post of chairman of the Council of Ministers and removed from the Central Committee.
In November 1962, the V1I1 Congress of the BCP approved a long-term development plan for the country for 20 years (1961-1980), which provided for the completion of the construction of socialism and a gradual transition to communism.
After the congress, T. Zhivkov was elected head of the government, whose position by 1964 had become so strengthened that the fall of N.S. Khrushchev had practically no effect on him. The final confirmation of T. Zhivkov in power was facilitated by the trial organized in 1965 of a number of officers dissatisfied with the regime.
In 1971, T. Zhivkov was elected chairman of the organization established in accordance with the new constitution supreme body power - the State Council, which was supposed to ensure the connection of legislative and executive activities, and exercise general management of the country's foreign and domestic policy. The Constitution of 1971, which proclaimed the People's Republic of Belarus a socialist state and the BCP as the guiding force of society, incorporated the key provisions of the party program approved by the Tenth Congress (1971). It indicated that the NRB “has entered a new stage of development - the stage of building a developed socialist society.” Although the concepts of “developed”, “mature” socialism were introduced into the Bulgarian political lexicon in the mid-60s, they began to be used to designate a separate phase of historical development only in the early 70s. The program presented the construction of a socially homogeneous, developed socialist society as the main immediate task of the BCP. Special meaning was given to the development of productive forces and the improvement of production relations. The first was thought to be achieved by increasing the concentration and specialization of production, introducing advances in science and technology, and integrating with the member countries of the Council
Economic Mutual Assistance, the second - the rapprochement and gradual merging of state and cooperative forms of ownership on the basis of the socialization of production and deepening the division of labor. At the same time, the need to continuously increase the leading role of the party along with expanding the framework of socialist democracy was especially emphasized.
Having officially become the head of state, T. Zhivkov ceded the post of Prime Minister of the country to S. Todorov. Until November 1989, he maintained his position through frequent rotation of party and government leaders. The exception was the events of 1977, when not only many party functionaries lost their posts, but also 38.5 thousand of its members found themselves outside the ranks of the BCP. This action, apparently, was of a preventive nature. It was designed to suppress the desire for liberalization that had begun to manifest itself in society. It is no coincidence that in December 1977, in his speech at the third national conference of young writers, Zhivkov spoke publicly for the first time about dissidence,
However, there were no significant grounds for concern during this period. The increase in living standards, in particular through measures taken in the social field, achievements in the fields of science, culture, education and sports contributed to the consolidation of Bulgarian society.
In the early 80s, Bulgaria had to face a number of foreign policy problems. In 1982, Bulgarian intelligence services were accused of involvement in the assassination attempt on Pope John Paul II, as well as illegal arms and drug trafficking. The United States classified Bulgaria as a country engaged in “state-sponsored terrorism.”
In 1984, the danger of an escalation of terrorism loomed over Bulgaria itself. During T. Zhivkov's trip around the country, bombs exploded at the railway station in Plovdiv and at the airfield in Varna, then explosions took place on the streets of other towns. According to official data, they caused the death of 30 people. No organization has claimed responsibility for these terrorist attacks. But they were linked, despite the lack of direct evidence of this, with the dissatisfaction of the Muslim population of Bulgaria with the half-assed forced assimilation, designated as the “revival process”
In December 1985, a census was expected in areas with a predominantly Muslim population. Probably in connection with this, a campaign was launched in 1984 to replace non-Bulgarian names with Bulgarian ones. The “theoretical” basis provided for it was essentially reduced to the assertion that the Muslim population in Bulgaria is ethnically Bulgarian. Restrictions were introduced on the use
Turkish language, etc. The “revival process” in 1985 reportedly cost the lives of 50 Muslims.
Growing social problems, bureaucracy, corruption, and privileges of the nomenklatura were the main sources of discontent manifested in public sentiment. The latter circumstance led to a “tightening of the screws” in the spiritual sphere. At the same time, the authorities reacted to events to a greater extent than anticipated them.
Characterizing the current situation as “a turning point in the development of socialism,” the country’s leadership in 1987 proposed a new package of reforms. However, the reformist turmoil was no longer able to drown out the growing need in society under the influence, in particular, of events in the USSR, for fundamental changes in all spheres of life, including political.
In order to relieve the growing tension, T. Zhivkov, on behalf of the Central Committee, in 1988 proposed introducing a mandate system, changing the established election mechanism, providing the opportunity to run for more than one candidate, etc., in order to periodically update the party’s governing bodies. At the same time, touching on the problem of “glasnost”, T. Zhivkov, in fact, for the first time distanced himself from the policies of the Soviet leadership, emphasizing that in Bulgaria “after the April plenum of the Central Committee of the BCP in 1956, many problems were resolved that were currently in the center public attention in some socialist countries." He stated that it is unacceptable to use “glasnost” to “excite negativistic sentiments towards individual values and ideals of socialism.” Thus, the party and state leadership, led by T. Zhivkov, demonstrated their readiness for democratic reforms, but only within the boundaries outlined by them. The formation of an ideological and political organized opposition in the country was not part of his plans.
Public discontent initially resulted in protest against environmental policies. In February 1988, an unauthorized demonstration took place, in which more than 2 thousand people took part. Those gathered demanded that decisive measures be taken to save the city of Ruse, which was suffering from Romanian chemical plants. In March, the public Committee for the Ecological Rescue of Ruse was created. A year later in Bulgaria, in addition to the independent association “Eco-Lasnost”, which replaced the Committee for Environmental Protection. Russ, there were such organizations as the Club for Support of Glasnost and Perestroika, the Committee for the Defense of Religious Rights, the Independent Society for the Defense of Human Rights, the “Civil Initiative” movement, the independent trade union “Podkrepa” (“Support”), a number of them made themselves known during the events summer 1989
At the end of May 1989, on the eve of the start of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe in Paris, a group of Bulgarian Muslim leaders went on a hunger strike to protest against the infringement of the rights of the Muslim population. Commenting on what was happening, T. Zhivkov said that those ethnic Turks who prefer capitalist Turkey should leave the country. By August, until Turkey’s desperate attackers closed the border themselves, 344 thousand people left Bulgaria. In the resulting confrontation between Turkey and Bulgaria, the former received support from the United States, while the latter found itself isolated.
In the current situation, it was extremely important for the Bulgarian leadership to restore the country’s prestige in the international arena, proving that it was undergoing a real process of democratization of the socio-political system. This explains the persistence with which it fought for the selection of Sofia as the venue for a European conference on environmental issues.
However, during the eco-forum in October 1989, in front of foreign journalists, Bulgarian law enforcement officers beat the demonstrators. This incident served as a detonator that accelerated the already inevitable clash in the highest structures of power. On November 10, 1989, T. Zhivkov resigned from the posts of General Secretary of the PC BKP and Chairman of the State Council.
Was elected as the new general secretary of the party former minister Foreign Affairs P. Mladenov, who identified the creation of “true” socialism through the dismantling of the command-administrative system and the formation of a self-governing civil society as the main task of the BCP.
FOREIGN POLICY OF THE NRB
The issue of signing a peace treaty with the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition was the main issue in Bulgaria's foreign policy until 1947. Along with this, its priority was the intensive development of ties with the USSR, which acted as the patron of Bulgaria, as well as Yugoslavia.
In the fall of 1944, the problem of creating a Yugoslav-Bulgarian (South Slavic) federation began to be discussed between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. At the intergovernmental negotiations held on July 30 - August 1, 1947, a number of agreements were signed and the text of a perpetual treaty of friendship, cooperation and mutual assistance was actually initialed. The leadership of the two countries discussed the issues of creating the necessary conditions for the unification of the Pirna region with Vardar Macedonia within the framework of the South Slavic federation and the annexation of Pomoravia to Bulgaria,
as well as providing joint assistance to the Greek communists in the civil war.
J. Stalin condemned the actions of G. Dimitrov and J. Broz Tito, who admitted their mistake and agreed that it was necessary to wait until the United Nations peace treaty with Bulgaria came into force.
Meanwhile, active efforts to promote the Macedonian language, history, and culture began in the Pirin region. It was attended by teachers who arrived from the FPRY.
In January 1948, G. Dimitrov made a statement to foreign journalists about the prospects for creating a federation and establishing a customs union that would unite all the Eastern European countries of “people's democracy” and even Greece, in the event of a victory there for the partisan forces led by the Communist Party, the Kremlin considered it necessary to disavow statement by G. Dimitrov in a special editorial commentary of Pravda. This case, along with other actions of the leaders of Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, was discussed at a trilateral meeting in Moscow on February 10. Its result was the signing of the Soviet-Bulgarian and Soviet-Yugoslav protocols on mutual consultations on foreign policy issues.
During a meeting on February 10, 1948, I. Stalin recommended that Yugoslavia and Bulgaria immediately unite into a federation. However, at a meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia on February 19, Broz Tito rejected this idea. The rupture of relations between the USSR and the countries blockaded with it, including Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia that followed in mid-1948 finally removed the issue of creating a South Slavic federation from the agenda.
In 1948, Bulgaria concluded a treaty of friendship, cooperation and mutual assistance with the Soviet Union, in whose wake it was located. Relations with the USSR were of exceptional importance for Bulgaria. The Soviet Union supplied raw materials, fuel, and necessary technologies, in particular for the military industry, which provided the country in the 70s - early 80s. a third of foreign exchange earnings. After the plenum of the Central Committee of the BKP approved in July 1973 “The main directions of comprehensive cooperation and rapprochement with the USSR during the construction of a developed socialist society in the Republic of Belarus,” T. Zhivkov declared that Bulgaria and the Soviet Union would function like “a spruce organism, having one lungs and one circulatory system.” However, during this period, the actions of the party and state leadership of Bulgaria in domestic and foreign, especially regional, politics were distinguished by sufficient independence and autonomy.
Bulgaria normalized relations with Greece in 1964. In October 1969, a Bulgarian-Turkish agreement was signed on the basis of which, over the 10th anniversary, from 1969 to 1979, about 50 thousand ethnic Turks moved from Bulgaria to Turkey for permanent residence .
Relations between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia remained tense for a long time. The main reason for this was the so-called Macedonian question. At the plenum of the Central Committee of the BKP held in March 1963, the BKP actually recognized HP Macedonia, emphasizing that the population of Pirin Macedonia represents an integral part of the Bulgarian nation and the attempts of the Yugoslav side to consider it as a Macedonian national minority are gross interference in the internal affairs of the NRB.
A step towards the normalization of bilateral relations was the agreement reached in 1965 between the BCP and the UCC to abandon political disputes on the Macedonian issue, turning it into a subject of exclusively scientific discussion. In 1966 and 1967, meetings and negotiations took place at the highest party and state level. They confirmed the desire to establish in bilateral relations the principles of non-interference in internal affairs, mutual benefit and respect for state sovereignty.
At the same time, in 1968, the Institute of History of the BAN prepared a historical and political reference “The Macedonian Question,” which stated that 2/3 of the population of the SR Macedonia is Bulgarian “by origin.” The following demands were made to the Yugoslav side: “to stop falsifying the historical truth, renounce any claims to the Pirin region and give the right to that part of the population of SR Macedonia that has a Bulgarian consciousness to freely determine and express their national identity.” In 1978, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Belarus issued a special declaration explaining Bulgaria’s position on a number of controversial issues. The declaration was based on the provisions of the certificate of the Institute of History of the BAN.
After the death of Josip Broz Tito in 1980, there was a tendency to intensify Bulgarian-Yugoslav relations. In the early 80s. the volume of trade between the two countries increased noticeably, friendship rallies were held in border cities, etc.
Since the mid-60s. Bulgaria began to develop ties with Western European countries. In the 70s it concluded agreements on economic, scientific and technical cooperation with France, Italy, Great Britain, Germany, Finland, Holland and the Belgian-Luxembourg Union.
An important direction foreign policy Bulgaria has been successful in strengthening its relations with developing countries. Libya has become Bulgaria's third most important trading partner after the Soviet Union and the GDR.
In the early 80s. The NRB had diplomatic relations with 116 states, trade relations with 112 and cultural relations with 132.
In order to strengthen the authority of Bulgaria in the 70s. repeatedly initiated various international forums, in particular the children’s assembly “Banner of Peace”, the meeting of writers “Writer and the World”, etc. In 1981, Bulgaria proposed holding a summit meeting of the leaders of the Balkan countries in Sofia to discuss practical questions transforming the Balkans into a nuclear weapons-free zone.
Since the beginning of the 80s. Bulgaria began to experience foreign policy difficulties. She was accused of involvement in organizing terrorist attacks, drug and weapons smuggling. In 1982, the United States suspended cooperation with Bulgaria on the issue of control over the production and sale of drugs. In the mid-80s. Its relations with Turkey became complicated due to the “revival” process against the backdrop of the changed policy of the Soviet Union. The cooling of Bulgarian-Soviet relations was one of the main external factors that predetermined the fall of T. Zhivkov, and with it the end of an entire era in the history of Bulgaria.
Period of neutrality
At the beginning of the Second World War, the government of G. Kyosei-vanov reacted with a declaration of neutrality for Bulgaria.
A significant point in the changed international situation for Bulgaria was the desire of the Soviet Union to involve it in the orbit of its policy. In the period after the restoration of Bulgarian-Soviet diplomatic relations in 1934 until mid-1939, the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs (NKID) considered Bulgaria primarily as an “observation point” in the Balkans. The main motive that influenced the position of the Soviet Union in 1939 was necessary creation security systems for its borders. Soviet propaganda intensified significantly, and found fertile ground in Bulgaria. Soviet newspapers, books, and films were extremely popular in the country. Most of the Bulgarian public was inclined to idealize what was happening in the USSR, perceiving any information of a negative nature as slanderous. At the same time, Berlin, whose position in Bulgaria was already quite strong, did not intend to yield to Moscow. In this case, the USSR and Germany were opposed by Great Britain, which did not abandon the idea of creating a pan-Balkan defensive bloc, and France. As it was emphasized in an analytical note prepared by the NKID, “revisionist Bulgaria suddenly found itself in the center of everyone’s attention, they began to noticeably court it.”
As during the First World War, foreign policy orientation was a factor dividing the internal political forces of Bulgaria. Under the sign of "phobias" and "phobias" in December 1939 - January 1940, elections to the People's Assembly were held. They were won by the government, which advocated neutrality in the outbreak of the war, the development of relations with both Germany and the Soviet Union, and the solution of national-territorial problems by peaceful means. It received 140 seats out of 160 in parliament. In February 1940, after the resignation “for health reasons” of G. Kyoseivanov, a cabinet was formed headed by B. Filov. However, there was no unity in the ruling circles. This forced Tsar Boris to complain: “My generals are Germanophiles, diplomats are Anglophiles, the queen is an Italianophile, the people are Russophile. Only I am a Bulgarianophile.”
The Dobrudzhan and Thracian issues were at the center of Bulgaria's foreign policy of this period, based on the conflicting interests of the leading powers. The latter was perceived from the point of view of the need to provide Bulgaria with access to the Aegean Sea. The Macedonian problem, without losing its significance, turned out to be pushed into the background by force of circumstances in the first years of the war.
The development of the international situation, in particular the annexation of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina by the Soviet Union, favored Bulgaria's claims against Romania. Negotiations between the two countries began on August 19, 1940. They concerned the transfer of Southern Dobruja to Bulgaria. After fierce disputes, the parties signed an agreement on September 7, 1940, called “Craiovekim”. The territory of Southern Dobrudzha with a population of about 400 thousand people. passed to Bulgaria.
The enthusiasm caused by the conclusion of the Treaty of Craiova soon gave way to concern. The current situation left Bulgaria practically no room for maneuver. In October 1940, Germany raised the question of joining the Tripartite Pact, which was formed in September, and Italy proposed agreeing on joint actions against Greece. At the same time, Britain explicitly warned Bulgaria that it would become a theater of war if it allowed German troops into its territory. Tsar Boris needed to mobilize all his skills to convince Germany, Italy, and Great Britain of loyalty to Bulgaria. This was followed in November 1940 by a proposal from the Soviet Union, which sought to include Bulgaria in its sphere of influence, to sign a mutual assistance pact. The Bulgarian public learned about the proposal made by the USSR from leaflets of the Bulgarian Workers' Party (the BRP was formed by merging the BCP (t.s.) and the RP in 1938-1939). The party received the relevant information from G. Dimitrov, who at that time held the post of General Secretary of the Comintern. Taking G. Dimitrov's message as a guide to action, the BRP launched a broad campaign in support of the Soviet Union's proposal from November 25, 1940. V. M. Molotov pointed out the “gross mistake” made to G. Dimitrov, and he, in turn, pointed out the BRP. But it was already too late. An action took place in the country, named after the diplomat who conveyed the proposal to the USSR, “Sobolevskaya”. In general, it helped Bulgaria for some time to resist the onslaught of Germany.
Bulgaria in 1941-1943
Italy's unsuccessful attempt to develop an offensive in Greece forced Germany to decide to provide assistance to the allied state. Bulgaria was assigned the role of a “transit point” for the transfer of part of the German troops concentrated in Romania to Greece. From December 1940, German officers began arriving in the country under the guise of tourists and businessmen. On March 1, 1941, Bulgaria joined the Tripartite Pact, and on March 2, German units en route to Greece were already on its territory.
After joining the Tripartite Pact, the efforts of Tsar Boris were aimed at preserving, as far as possible, the independence of the country. It was they who later made it possible to characterize Bulgaria as a “wayward” ally of Germany.
In mid-April 1941, Bulgarian troops occupied the southeastern regions of Serbia, most Vardar Macedonia and Western Thrace. The country's public greeted this fact with enthusiasm. Official propaganda began to call Tsar Boris a “unifier.” The territory in which temporary Bulgarian administrative control was introduced amounted to 39,765 square meters in 1941. km, and in 1942 - 42,666 sq. km
However, soon after Germany’s attack on the Soviet Union, as Bulgarian Prime Minister B. Filov noted, the mood of uplift gave way to despondency. The Politburo of the Central Committee of the BRP decided to begin organizing an armed struggle. It called on the country's population to prevent “the use of their land and their armed forces for the predatory purposes of German fascism.” The authorities, for their part, deprived the deputies of the People's Assembly elected from the BRP of their mandates in July 1941, arrested and sent more than 200 party activists to concentration camps. The workers of the Central Committee of the BRP, discovered in 1942, were sentenced to death.
Therefore, the government refused to enter the war with the Soviet Union. Diplomatic relations between the two countries were maintained, while since December 1941 Bulgaria was at war with the USA and Great Britain. The assistance provided by the Bulgarian side to Germany in all operations on the eastern front was limited to participation in the winter aid campaign for German soldiers and the provision of one sleigh train staffed by Bulgarian medical personnel. Bulgarian officials were forced to compensate for the intransigence shown in relations with Germany on the issue of declaring war on the Soviet Union with a number of anti-Semitic measures. In February 1943, the Bulgarian-German agreement was signed, which provided for the deportation of 20 thousand Jews to Poland. Bulgaria began to implement the latter from the territories under its temporary administrative control (“new lands”). As a result, about 11.5 thousand Jews from Macedonia and Thrace were sent to Poland. The intention to deport Jews from Bulgaria met with severe resistance from the widest circles of the public, including members of parliament. Organized mass protests, along with the changing general military and political situation, led to the fact that the authorities abandoned the deportation of Jews from Bulgaria, evicting them from large cities.
The events of the summer of 1943 brought to light for Bulgaria the problem of finding possible options for exiting the war and thus the issue of its relations with Germany. In August 1943, Tsar Boris met with Hitler, after which the Tsar died suddenly. Perceived by the Bulgarian public as a grave loss, the death of Tsar Boris 111 was an additional source of uncertainty and fear for the future.
The leadership of the country passed to the regency council, created under the young Tsar Simeon, and to the new government, which was headed by D. Bozhilov, who held the post of Minister of Finance in 1938-1943. There were no visible changes in policy. As a result, Anglo-American aircraft began to bomb Sofia and other cities. Thus, the “symbolic” war between Bulgaria and Great Britain and the USA became quite real from the end of 1943.
At the same time, the partisan movement in the country has noticeably intensified. If in mid-1943, according to available data, it covered approximately 700 people, then in September 1943 it was already several thousand. By management decision BRP combat groups that carried out mainly acts of sabotage and terrorism were united into the People's Liberation Rebel Army. In August 1943, the BRP, together with the BZNS led by N. Petkov, the BRSDP led by G. Cheshmedzhiev and “Zveno” formed the National Committee of the Fatherland Front.
The authorities concentrated their attention on suppressing the partisan movement. In October 1943, the government ordered that captured partisans be shot on the spot; at the beginning of 1944, the People's Assembly approved a law establishing a special force (gendarmerie) to fight partisans. Bulgaria found itself on the brink of civil war.
On June 1, 1944, I. Bagryanoye became the new head of the cabinet of ministers. His government included both supporters and opponents of a radical change in the country's foreign policy. This deprived I. Bagrinov’s office of mobility, which, in fact, was the main requirement of the moment. Only when Soviet troops approached the Bulgarian border, the government demanded that the German leadership withdraw its units from Bulgarian territory and ordered the General Staff to begin the withdrawal of its own troops from Yugoslavia. However, from the point of view of the Soviet Union, these measures were insufficient.
Political crisis of 1944
In order to avoid the impending disaster, the regency council instructed one of the leaders of the BZNS-Vrabcha-1, K. Muraviev, to form a new cabinet based on a broad coalition (“national concentration”). Due to the refusal of the Fatherland Front to participate in the creation of the government, it was composed on September 2, 1944 of representatives of only three parties: BZNS-Vrabcha-1, Democratic and People's Progressive, the government immediately repealed all acts prohibiting the activities of political parties, anti-Semitic laws, disbanded the gendarmerie, declared an amnesty for political prisoners, etc. In foreign policy, the cabinet of K. Muraviev, negotiating with the Anglo-American command in Cairo on concluding a truce, pledged to maintain strict neutrality. Despite this, the Soviet Union, which continued to insist that Bulgaria declare war on Germany, itself declared war on Bulgaria on September 1944.
BRP
the government immediately repealed all acts banning the activities of political parties, anti-Semitic laws, disbanded the gendarmerie, declared an amnesty for political prisoners, etc. In foreign policy, the cabinet of K. Muraviev, negotiating with the Anglo-American command in Cairo on concluding a truce, pledged to maintain strict neutrality. Despite this, the Soviet Union, which continued to insist that Bulgaria declare war on Germany, itself declared war on Bulgaria on September 1944.
In the current situation, the call of the Central Committee became relevant BRP from August 26, 1944 to the population of the country to create committees of the Fatherland Front. In conditions of complete disorganization of local administration bodies, committees began to take power into their own hands. On the morning of September 8, Soviet troops entered Bulgaria, and on the night of September 8-9, 1944, power in the country passed to the Fatherland Front. Members of K. Muraviev's government were arrested. The Cabinet of the Fatherland Front was headed by the leader of the People's Union "Zveno" K. Georgiev. In mid-1944, the regency council was also replaced. The actions of the National Committee of the Fatherland Front did not meet with the slightest resistance, since they were perceived in society as an opportunity to avoid a new “national catastrophe.”