Nikolay 1 internal. Domestic and foreign policy of Nicholas I briefly. Reforms of Nicholas I

1. ACCESSION OF NICHOLAS I TO THE THRONE

When Alexander died in 1985 without leaving heirs, the person closest to the throne was his brother, Grand Duke Constantine. But Constantine did not want to be king. He abdicated the throne in favor of his younger brother Nicholas, who was then twenty-nine years old. Nicholas did not receive the education befitting an heir. Perhaps that is precisely why he became a relatively good king, from the point of view of tsarism.

2. MAIN FEATURES OF NICHOLAS I’S DOMESTIC POLITICAL COURSE. “PROTECTIONAL” POLICY AND REFORMERism

In the domestic politics of Russia in the first half of the 19th century there were two important milestones: the end of the Patriotic War of 1812 and 1825 - the change of reign and the Decembrist uprising.

These events caused increased conservatism and even reactionary behavior in domestic politics. During the reign of Nicholas I, the codification of laws was set among the top priorities. The lack of proper order in Russian legislation as the main reason for numerous abuses in court and administration was constantly pointed out in their testimony by the Decembrists, whose criticism and proposals were treated with great attention by Nicholas I. Nikolai saw the main goal of codification as being, without introducing any “innovations,” to streamline Russian legislation and thereby provide a clearer legislative basis for Russian absolutism. Almost all the work on codification was carried out by M. M. Speransky.

According to Speransky’s plan, the codification of laws had to go through three stages: in the first it was supposed to collect and publish in chronological order all the laws, starting with the “Code” of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich in 1649 and until the end of the reign of Alexander I; on the second - to publish a Code of current laws, arranged in a subject-by-systematic order, without making any corrections or additions; the third stage provided for the compilation and publication of the “Code” - a new systematic set of current legislation, “with additions and corrections, in accordance with the rights and customs and the actual needs of the state.” The II Department had its own printing house, which printed prepared volumes of the “Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire.” During 1828--1830. 45 voluminous volumes and 3 volumes of indexes and appendices were published. They compiled the “First Assembly,” which included 31 thousand legislative acts for 1649-1825. In addition, 6 more volumes of laws were published, published from the end of 1825 to 1830 - these volumes began the “Second Assembly”, which included laws issued during the reigns of Nicholas I and Alexander II.

At the same time, on the basis of the “Complete Collection of Laws”, the “Code of Laws of the Russian Empire” was also being prepared. During its preparation, laws that had lost force or were replaced by subsequent acts were withdrawn. Text processing of the Code articles was also carried out. Moreover, all corrections, and even more so additions, were made only with the sanction of the emperor, who controlled the entire course of codification. The prepared “Code of Laws” was preliminary considered in a special Senate commission, then its individual parts were sent to the ministries. In 1832 it was published in 15 volumes containing 40 thousand articles. In addition, the “Code of Military Regulations” (12 volumes), “Code of Laws of the Baltic and Western Governorates” and “Code of Laws of the Grand Duchy of Finland” prepared by Speransky were published.

Under Nicholas I, the “Complete collection of spiritual laws in Russia since the establishment of the Holy Synod” and “Collection of maritime laws from 1845 to 1851” were also published. " and "Code of laws of nomadic foreigners of Eastern Siberia."

Speransky's codification plan was not implemented at its final and most significant stage - the preparation and publication of the Code of the Russian Empire. Nicholas I rejected the third stage of codification, which provided for the introduction of “innovations.”

The codification of laws carried out under Nicholas I undoubtedly streamlined Russian legislation. At the same time, it did not at all change the political and social structure of autocratic-serf Russia, nor the management system itself; it did not eliminate arbitrariness, red tape and corruption, which reached a special peak during Nicholas’s reign. The development of bureaucracy led to paperwork that proceeded uncontrollably in clerical secrecy. The bureaucratic administrative apparatus has increased sharply: in the first half of the 19th century. the number of officials increased from 16 thousand to 74.3 thousand. Nicholas I saw the vices of the bureaucracy, complained that “the empire is ruled by the mayor,” but it was impossible to eliminate these vices under the conditions of the absolutist regime.

Nicholas I considered the issue of serfdom to be the most important. The situation of the landowner peasants was eased. The government issued a number of laws that emphasized that “a serf is not the mere property of a private person, but, first of all, a subject of the state” (V.O. Klyuchevsky).

It should be noted that during the reigns of Alexander I and Nicholas I, criticism of the autocrats as guardians of serfdom increasingly intensified among the nobility. Alexander I in 1803 issued a decree “On free cultivators”, Nicholas I in 1842 issued a decree “On obligated peasants”, which allowed the landowner to voluntarily release his peasants. But the consequences of these decrees were insignificant. From 1804 to 1855 The landowners released only 116 thousand serfs. This indicated that landowners were primarily interested in preserving serfdom.

Much more was done for state peasants. There were about 9 million people. From 1837 to 1841, a system of measures was taken to manage the state peasants.

Under the leadership of P.N. Kiselev carried out a reform of the state village. 6 thousand rural communities were created. They were given the right of self-government and the right to elect justices of the peace. According to the decree of 1843, not a single district commander had the right to interfere in the affairs of the community.

About 2.8 million acres of free land were transferred to the peasants; 3 million acres of forest were transferred to educated rural communities.

Much attention was paid to raising the agrotechnical level of peasant farming. Over a thousand rural credit societies and savings banks were created for state peasants; 98 thousand brick houses were built for peasants. Much has been done to protect the health of peasants and education. In 1838, peasant communities had 60 schools with 1,800 students, and in 1866 they already had 110 schools, with 2,550 thousand children studying. State peasants were freed from road repairs. Then the peasants began to be transferred to quitrent status.

Reform of the state village under the leadership of Count P.D. Kiselev became an undoubted achievement of Nikolaev's time. As a result of the measures taken, the legal and financial situation of state peasants has significantly improved. The landowner peasants began to look with envy at the state peasants.

Education policy became increasingly conservative. In 1828, a reform of lower and secondary specialized educational institutions was carried out.

Different levels of the school were separated from each other and intended for different classes:

Rural parish schools - for peasants;

District schools - for urban residents;

Gymnasiums are for nobles.

Since 1832, S.S. became the Minister of Public Education. Uvarov. He became the author of the famous formula “Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality,” which argued that these three forces are the basis of the Russian political system and ensure order and harmony in society. The Uvarov triad was created in opposition to revolutionary France, in which they tried to lay the principles of freedom, equality and fraternity as the basis of the state, social and even family structure. Under the Minister of Education S.S. Uvarov, the education and upbringing of Russian youth was based on respect for Orthodoxy, autocracy and nationality. In 1835, a new university charter was issued, according to which the autonomy of universities was sharply reduced. An audit of the activities of Kazan, St. Petersburg, and Moscow universities was carried out. A number of professors who propagated revolutionary ideas were put on trial. Education fees were increased, student enrollment was reduced, and curricula were revised. The Charter of 1835 abolished the departments of philosophy, political economy, natural law and statistics at universities. At the same time, in 1835, the Imperial School of Law was founded - an elite educational institution for training employees of the Ministry of Justice and the Senate. A number of teachers were sent abroad on business trips to improve their qualifications.

The reign of Nicholas I was marked by the appearance in 1833 of the first official national anthem, “God Save the Tsar.” The words of the English anthem “God Save the King” by poet V.A. Zhukovsky translated into Russian, and composer A.F. Lvov wrote a melody for them.

In the spirit of autocratic principles and centralization of government, Nicholas I sought to strengthen the regime of personal power - concentrating in his hands the decision of both general and private affairs, often bypassing the relevant ministries and departments.

The activities of the third branch of the imperial chancellery became notorious. The favorite of Nicholas I, General A. X. Benckendorff, was placed at the head of the III department. He was also the chief of the Corps of Gendarmes. Back in January 1826, he presented Nicholas I with a project “On the structure of the high police,” on the basis of which the Third Department of the Imperial Chancellery was created. Benckendorff held the posts of head of the III department and chief of gendarmes until his death (1844). He was replaced by another favorite of the tsar, a prominent military and statesman, Count A.F. Orlov. The prerogatives of the III Department were truly comprehensive. It collected information about the moods of various segments of the population, carried out secret supervision over “unreliable” individuals and the periodical press, was in charge of places of imprisonment and cases of “schism,” monitored foreign subjects in Russia, identified carriers of “false rumors” and counterfeiters, and collected statistical information and illustration of private letters, supervised the actions of the administration. It was the organ of informing the tsar about all “incidents” in the Russian Empire. Nicholas I carefully read the reports and reports of the head of the III department. The activities of the III Department gave rise to the widespread practice of denunciations. Section III had its own network of secret agents, and in the 40s it created secret agents abroad to spy on Russian emigrants. Under her vigilant supervision were the publishers of the Russian foreign press, Prince V.V. Dolgorukov, A.I. Herzen and N.P. Ogarev.

In the sphere of economic policy, the autocracy was more consistent and went much further than in matters of social policy. The very process of economic development of the country forced people to patronize industry, trade, and ultimately contribute to the development of bourgeois relations. Tsarism sought to take advantage of the capitalist relations developing in the country. Hence the planting of industry, the establishment of banks, the construction of railways, the founding of special technical educational institutions, the encouragement of the activities of agricultural and industrial societies, the organization of exhibitions, etc.

Headed from 1824 to 1844. The Ministry of Finance E.F. Kankrin carried out a number of measures to strengthen the country’s financial system, which had been disrupted during the previous reign. He sought to maintain a favorable trade balance and increase budget revenues by increasing direct and indirect taxes, restoring drinking farms, and devaluing banknotes that had fallen in price.

An important economic measure was carried out by Kankrin in 1839-1843. monetary reform. Before this, in Russia there was a double monetary account - for banknote rubles and silver rubles, while the rate of banknotes was subject to constant fluctuations. Since 1839, a hard credit ruble was introduced, equal to 1 ruble. silver and backed by gold and silver coins. The manifesto of June 1, 1843 announced the beginning of the exchange of all banknotes in circulation for state banknotes at the rate of 1 credit ruble for 3 rubles. 50 kopecks banknotes. By 1851 the exchange was completed. In total, about 600 million banknote rubles were exchanged for 170 million credit rubles.

Reform 1839--1843 Kankrina temporarily strengthened the monetary system. However, the government was never able to get out of the financial crisis: by the end of the reign of Nicholas I, especially due to sharply increased expenses during the Crimean War, banknotes began to fall in price, internal and external public debt increased significantly; in 1855 it was almost twice the state budget revenue.

3. MAIN DIRECTIONS OF RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY IN THE SECOND QUARTER OF THE 19TH CENTURY. PARTICIPATION IN THE SOLUTION OF THE “EASTERN QUESTION”

Nicholas's worldview and activities were greatly influenced by the socio-political situation in Europe, which was seething with bourgeois revolutions. In the second quarter of the 19th century, Russia was a large and militarily strong state, capable of effectively resolving its foreign policy issues. At the beginning of the reign of Nicholas I, Russia's military-technical lag behind Europe was not as noticeable as it was later. The Russian army was numerous and was considered one of the best in the world.

The main directions of foreign policy have been preserved since the end of the 18th century, when Russia began to emerge as a huge Eurasian empire. The new Russian emperor hastened to announce the continuation of the foreign policy course of his predecessor. But later he made it clear that when pursuing policies in Europe, Russia would rely more on its own forces than on “federal solidarity.” Nicholas I maintained relations with the German states, primarily with Prussia, which had long occupied a leading place in Russian-German trade relations. At the same time, there was a tendency towards rapprochement between Russia and England and France. During the reign of Nicholas I, the eastern question—the relationship with the Ottoman Empire—occupied a central place in foreign policy. For Russia, an important task was to strengthen its positions on the Black Sea coast and protect its borders in the south of the country. The Black Sea has acquired enormous importance.

The most important problem for Russian foreign policy was to ensure the most favorable regime for the Black Sea straits - the Bosporus and Dardanelles. The free passage of Russian merchant ships through them contributed to the economic development and prosperity of the southern regions of the state. The Caucasus remained an important direction of Russian policy. She tried to expand her Caucasian possessions, establish finally stable borders in the Transcaucasus, ensure free and secure communication with the newly acquired territories and firmly incorporate the entire Caucasian region into the Russian Empire.

Russia's rival in this region was Iran. Under the peace treaty with Iran, Russia secured significant territories of Eastern Transcaucasia and the western coast of the Caspian Sea. In the 20s of the 19th century, Persia (Iran) sought the return of the Talysh and Karabakh khanates. A strong anti-Russian group formed at the Shah's court. In June 1826, the Iranian army invaded Karabakh. The Russian-Persian War began. The Iranian commander-in-chief intended to end Russian possession in Transcaucasia with one blow.

The Russian army in this region was small. Only the extraordinary heroism of the Russian soldiers made it possible to hold back the offensive. Russian troops actively supported Armenian and Georgian volunteer detachments. Russian soldiers, having conquered the important fortress of Erivan, captured the city of Tabriz and marched on the capital of Persia, Tehran. Persia sued for peace. In February 1828, the Turkmanchay Peace Treaty was signed. According to this agreement, the khanates of Erivan and Nakhichevan completely became part of Russia. The Armenian region was formed on the territories of both khanates.

In relations with the Ottoman Empire, the fact that Turkey included many Christian and Slavic peoples of the Balkan Peninsula, who saw Russia as their only protector and savior, became increasingly important. Even during the reign of Alexander I, the beginning of the Greek revolution became the cause of the aggravation of the Eastern Question, which developed into an international crisis. Russia, like other European countries, did not miss the opportunity to use the aggravation of the situation in the Ottoman Empire in connection with the liberation struggle of the Greek people to implement their own plans in the Middle East and the Balkans.

In the 1920s, the Eastern Question became one of the biggest problems in international politics. Emperor Nicholas I, upon ascending the throne, found relations between Russia and Turkey very tense, but still he did not see the need to fight the Turks over the Greeks. Initially, Nicholas I, together with Great Britain, exerted diplomatic pressure on Turkey.

However, she was adamant and continued to suppress the Greek uprising with particular brutality. European governments, including the Russian one, under the influence of the tendencies of the “Holy Alliance,” for a long time did not dare to intercede for the rebellious Greeks before the Turkish Sultan. Only in 1827 did it become clear that diplomacy was powerless. In this regard, the Russian, English and French squadrons entered the bay where the Turkish fleet was located, and as a result of a short battle completely destroyed it. Russian-Turkish relations have sharply deteriorated. In April 1828, Russia declared war on the Ottoman Empire. Military operations took place in Transcaucasia and the Balkans. The stubborn resistance of the Ottoman troops in the Balkans came as a surprise to the Russian high command and the Tsar himself.

The Balkan peoples sought to assist the Russian troops, seeking official permission from the high command for joint military actions against the Turks. The military committee led by the tsar rejected the possibility of using the help of the Serbs, but in 1829, when it was necessary to move to the Balkans, Russia still took advantage of the help of Bulgarian volunteers.

As a result of inflicting a series of military defeats on the Turkish troops, the Russian army took Andrianople, which meant the end of the war was approaching. This was also facilitated by the successes of the Russian army on the Caucasian front, thanks to the high fighting qualities of the army. The result of the offensive in the Kara direction was the capture of a powerful Turkish fortress in Western Armenia. This was a major event in the 1828 military campaign. After these events, a peace treaty was signed in 1829.

Significant territories of the Black Sea coast of the Caucasus and part of the Armenian regions that belonged to Turkey were transferred to Russia. Wide autonomy for Greece was guaranteed, on the basis of which the creation of an independent Greek state was proclaimed in 1830.

Thus, as a result of the Russian-Turkish war, Russia fulfilled its historical mission in relation to the Greek people. As a result of the signing of the Adrianople Peace Treaty, Russia could consider the major conflicts that arose in Russian-Turkish relations during the Eastern Crisis of the 20s to be resolved: freedom of commercial navigation in the straits, the rights of the Danube principalities and Serbia, the autonomy of Greece. Thus, due to the conditions of the Peace of Adrianople, Russia received the right to intervene in the internal affairs of Turkey as the intercessor and patroness of the Sultan’s subjects of the same tribe and faith.

As a result of the Russian-Turkish and Russian-Iranian wars of the late 20s of the 19th century, Transcaucasia was finally included in the Russian Empire: Georgia, Eastern Armenia, Northern Azerbaijan. From that time on, Transcaucasia became an integral part of the Russian Empire.

The beginning of the 30s of the 19th century was eventful in both main directions of Russian foreign policy - European and Middle Eastern. In 1830-31, a wave of revolutions swept across Europe, which also affected Russia itself. The Persian and Turkish wars had barely ended when the government of Nicholas I had to enter into an armed conflict with Poland. The French and Belgian revolutions gave impetus to the Polish uprising and at the end of 1830 an open uprising began in Warsaw. The Romanov dynasty was declared deprived of the Polish throne, a Provisional Government was formed, and a rebel army was formed. Initially, the rebels were successful. But the forces were unequal, and the uprising was

At the end of the 40s, a new, even more formidable wave arose in Western Europe. In February 1848, a revolution broke out in France, and in the spring - in Germany, Austria, Italy, Wallachia and Moldavia. Nicholas I considered all these events as a direct threat to the Russian autocracy. That is why he took an active part in suppressing the revolutionary movement.

In 1849, Nicholas helped Austria suppress a revolution that broke out in Hungary, which was then part of the Austrian Empire. Russian troops also strangled revolutionary protests in Moldova and Wallachia. Nicholas, of course, experienced anxiety during the revolutions of 1848-1849. in Europe. He personally wrote a Manifesto, in which he spoke about the “new unrest” that agitated Western Europe after the “long-term peace”, about the “rebellion and anarchy” that arose in France, but also covers Germany and threatens Russia.

Russia's interference in European affairs and its defense of the old order caused outrage in liberal circles of European countries. Nikolai earned himself the title of “gendarme of Europe.” Thus, both the governments and peoples of Europe feared and disliked Russia and its reactionary and arrogant Tsar and were glad to take the first opportunity to destroy Russia's power and influence in European affairs.

When the European revolutions of 1848-1849 died down, Nicholas I decided to strengthen the strategic position of his empire. First of all, the emperor wanted to solve the problem of the Black Sea straits. According to the agreement in force at that time, the Russian navy could pass through the Bosporus and Dardanelles straits. In addition, Nicholas I sought to strengthen Russia's political influence on the Balkan Peninsula. Through the hands of Turkey, England hoped to strengthen its influence in Asia Minor and the Caucasus and push Russia away from sea routes. The French Emperor Napoleon III was looking for an opportunity to show himself in action, to establish the authority of his throne.

The Austrian Empire, which owed Russia peace after the suppression of the Hungarian revolution, could not help but intervene in the fate of the Balkans, the territory of which it itself was counting. Türkiye, relying on the support of Western European states, hatched broad aggressive plans against Russia. The prestige of the Russian name was falling in Turkey. The dispute between Russia and France over the rights of Catholics and Orthodox Christians in Jerusalem could not hide the political background, which was the struggle for influence in the Middle East between European states. In addition, Turkey, where quite a lot of Christians lived, refused to provide them with equal rights with Muslims. Thus, since Russia had no allies, the Crimean War began in an atmosphere of diplomatic isolation of Russia, which had to fight a coalition of the most technically developed states. To resolve the issue, Emperor Nicholas I in 1853 sent an extraordinary envoy, Prince Menshikov, to Constantinople, who demanded that the Porte confirm the Russian protectorate over all Orthodox Christians in the Turkish Empire, established by previous treaties. After almost 3 months of negotiations, Prince Menshikov, having received from the Porte, supported by England and France, a decisive refusal to accept the note presented to him, returned to Russia on May 9. Then Emperor Nicholas I, without declaring war, brought Russian troops, under the command of Prince Gorchakov, into the Danube principalities.

The conference of representatives of Russia, England, France, Austria and Prussia, which gathered in Vienna to resolve differences peacefully, did not achieve its goal. At the end of September. Turkey, under the threat of war, demanded the cleansing of the principalities within two weeks, and on October 8, the British and French fleets entered the Bosphorus, thereby violating the 1841 convention, which declared the Bosphorus closed to military courts of all powers. On October 23, the Sultan declared war on Russia. The Crimean War began as an aggressive war on both sides. If tsarism sought to seize the Black Sea straits and expand its influence in the Balkans, then England and France sought to oust Russia from the shores of the Black Sea and from the Transcaucasus. The Ottoman Empire also pursued its own revanchist goals in this war. In November 1953, the Russian Black Sea squadron (under the command of Admiral Nakhimov) destroyed the Turkish fleet in the bay of Sinop, and soon the Western powers - England, France and Sardinia - openly opposed Russia. Austria, for its part, issued an ultimatum, demanding from Russia the cleansing of Moldavia and Wallachia; Nicholas was forced to comply with this demand, but in view of the threatening position occupied by Austria, he had to leave a large army on the Austrian borders, which thus could not take part in military operations against the Western allies. In September 1954, the Allies landed a significant number of French, British and Turkish troops in the Crimea and soon began the siege of Sevastopol. Only at the end of the summer of 1955 did the Allies manage to capture the southern side of Sevastopol and force Russian troops to retreat to the north. The forces of both sides were exhausted. In March 1856 in Paris, England, France and Russia signed a peace treaty.

Crimean War 1853-56 demonstrated the organizational and technical backwardness of Russia from the Western powers and led to its political isolation. The severe psychological shock from military failures undermined Nikolai's health, and an accidental cold became fatal for him. Nicholas died in February 1855 at the height of the Sevastopol campaign. The defeat in the Crimean War significantly weakened Russia, and the Viennese system, based on the Austro-Prussian alliance, finally collapsed. Russia has lost its leading role in international affairs, giving way to France.

and his wife - Maria Fedorovna. As soon as Nikolai Pavlovich was born (06/25/1796), his parents enrolled him in military service. He became the chief of the Life Guards cavalry regiment, with the rank of colonel.

Three years later, the prince put on the uniform of his regiment for the first time. In May 1800, Nicholas I became the chief of the Izmailovsky regiment. In 1801, as a result of a palace coup, his father, Paul I, was killed.

Military affairs became Nicholas I's real passion. The passion for military affairs was apparently passed on from his father, and at the genetic level.

Soldiers and cannons were the Grand Duke’s favorite toys, with which he and his brother Mikhail spent a lot of time. Unlike his brother Alexander I, he did not gravitate toward science.

On July 13, 1817, the marriage of Nicholas I and the Prussian Princess Charlotte took place. In Orthodoxy, Charlotte was named Alexandra Fedorovna. By the way, the marriage took place on the wife’s birthday.

The life together of the royal couple was happy. After the wedding, he became inspector general in charge of engineering affairs.

Nicholas I was never prepared as the heir to the Russian throne. He was only the third child of Paul I. It so happened that Alexander I had no children.

In this case, the throne passed to Alexander’s younger brother, and Nicholas’s older brother, Constantine. But Konstantin was not eager to shoulder the responsibility and became the Russian emperor.

Alexander I wanted to make Nicholas his heir. This has long been a secret for Russian society. In November, Alexander I unexpectedly died, and Nikolai Pavlovich was to ascend the throne.

It so happened that on the day Russian society took the oath to the new emperor, the Decembrist uprising occurred. Fortunately, everything ended well. The uprising was suppressed, and Nicholas I became emperor. After the tragic events on Senate Square, he exclaimed: “I am the Emperor, but at what cost.”

The policy of Nicholas I had distinctly conservative features. Historians often accuse Nicholas I of excessive conservatism and severity. But how could the emperor behave differently after the Decembrist uprising? It was this event that largely set the course of domestic politics during his reign.

Domestic policy

The most important issue in the domestic policy of Nicholas I was the peasant question. He believed that we should try with all our might to alleviate the situation of the peasants. During his reign, many legislative acts were issued to make life easier for the peasantry.

As many as 11 committees worked in conditions of the strictest secrecy, trying to think through solutions to the peasant issue. The Emperor returned Mikhail Speransky to active government activities and instructed him to streamline the legislation of the Russian Empire.

Speransky coped with the task brilliantly, preparing the “Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire for 1648 -1826” and the “Code of Laws of the Russian Empire”. Finance Minister Kankrin carried out a progressive monetary reform, which brought the country's economy back to life.

Most of all, historians criticize Nicholas I for the activities of the 3rd department of the Imperial Chancellery. This body performed a supervisory function. The Russian Empire was divided into gendarmerie districts, which were headed by generals who had a large staff under their command.

The third department investigated political affairs, closely monitored censorship, as well as the activities of officials of various ranks.

Foreign policy

The foreign policy of Nicholas I was a continuation of the policy of Alexander I. He sought to maintain peace in Europe, guided by the interests of Russia, and to develop active activities on the eastern borders of the empire.

During his reign, talented diplomats appeared in Russia who extracted favorable terms of cooperation from “our partners.” There were constant diplomatic battles for influence in the world.

Russian diplomats won many such battles. In July 1826, the Russian army fought in Iran. In February 1828, peace was signed, thanks to the efforts of Griboedov, the Nakhichevan and Erivan khanates went to Russia, and the empire also acquired the exclusive right to have a military fleet in the Caspian Sea.

During the reign of Nicholas I, Russia fought with the mountain peoples. There was also a successful war with Turkey, which showed the world the military talent of Admiral Nakhimov. The next Russian-Turkish war turned out to be a real disaster for Russia. After the Battle of Sinop, in which Russian ships under the command of Nakhimov won a stunning victory.

England and France, fearing the strengthening of Russia, entered the war on the side of Turkey. The Crimean War began. Participation in the Crimean War showed the problems that existed in Russian society. First of all, this is technological backwardness. The Crimean War became a good and timely lesson, marking the beginning of a new development in Russia.

Results

Nicholas I died on February 18, 1855. The reign of this monarch can be assessed in different ways. Despite increased control and suppression of dissent, Russia greatly expanded its territory and won many diplomatic disputes.

A monetary reform was carried out in the country, ensuring economic development, and the oppression on the peasantry was eased. All these relaxations have largely become the basis for future

Emperor Nicholas 1st was born on June 25 (July 6), 1796. He was the third son of Paul 1st and Maria Feodorovna. He received a good education, but did not recognize the humanities. He was knowledgeable in the art of war and fortification. He was good at engineering. However, despite this, the king was not loved in the army. Cruel corporal punishment and coldness led to his nickname Nikolai Palkin becoming entrenched among soldiers.

In 1817, Nicholas married the Prussian princess Frederica-Louise-Charlotte-Wilhelmina.

Alexandra Fedorovna, the wife of Nicholas 1st, possessing amazing beauty, became the mother of the future emperor - Alexander 2nd.

Nicholas 1st ascended the throne after the death of his older brother Alexander 1st. Constantine, the second contender for the throne, renounced his rights during the life of his elder brother. Nicholas 1st did not know about this and first swore allegiance to Constantine. This short period would later be called the interregnum. Although the manifesto on the accession to the throne of Nicholas 1 was published on December 13 (25), 1825, legally the reign of Nicholas 1 began on November 19 (December 1). And the very first day was darkened on Senate Square. The uprising was suppressed, and its leaders were executed in 1826. But Tsar Nicholas 1st saw the need to reform the social system. He decided to give the country clear laws, while relying on the bureaucracy, since trust in the noble class had been undermined.

The domestic policy of Nicholas I was distinguished by extreme conservatism. The slightest manifestations of free thought were suppressed. He defended the autocracy with all his might. The secret chancellery under the leadership of Benckendorf was engaged in political investigation. After the censorship regulations were issued in 1826, all printed publications with the slightest political overtones were banned. Russia under Nicholas 1st quite closely resembled the country of the era.

The reforms of Nicholas I were limited. The legislation was streamlined. Under his leadership, the publication of the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire began. Kiselev carried out a reform of the management of state peasants. Peasants were allocated lands when they moved to uninhabited areas, first aid stations were built in villages, and agricultural technology innovations were introduced. But this happened using force and caused sharp discontent. In 1839-1843 A financial reform was also carried out, establishing the relationship between the silver ruble and the banknote. But the question of serfdom remained unresolved.

The foreign policy of Nicholas I pursued the same goals as his domestic policy. During the reign of Nicholas I, Russia fought the revolution not only within the country, but also outside its borders. In 1826-1828 As a result of the Russian-Iranian war, Armenia was annexed to the territory of the country. Nicholas I condemned the revolutionary processes in Europe. In 1849 he sent Paskevich's army to suppress the Hungarian revolution. In 1853 Russia entered into

In a lesson on the topic “Nicholas I. Domestic policy in 1825-1855.” the factors that influenced the formation of the personality of Nicholas I are listed. The main goal of his policy is determined - to prevent an uprising in Russia. Freethinking is completely prohibited in Russia; Nicholas I dreams of abolishing serfdom, relaxes it, but does not dare to abolish it. The reasons for this indecisiveness of the emperor are revealed. The financial reform carried out by Nicholas I is considered. Economic recovery is facilitated by the construction of railways and highways. The contradictory nature of the development of culture and education in the country is emphasized.

Preliminary remarks

It must be said that in historical science, for many years, an extremely negative image of Nicholas I himself (Fig. 2) and his thirty-year reign has been preserved, which, with the light hand of Academician A.E. Presnyakov was called “the apogee of autocracy.”

Of course, Nicholas I was not an innate reactionary and, being an intelligent person, perfectly understood the need for changes in the economic and political system of the country. But, being a military man to the core, he tried to solve all problems through the militarization of the state system, strict political centralization and regulation of all aspects of the country's public life. It is no coincidence that almost all of his ministers and governors had the ranks of general and admiral - A.Kh. Benkendorf (Fig. 1), A.N. Chernyshev, P.D. Kiselev, I.I. Dibich, P.I. Paskevich, I.V. Vasilchikov, A.S. Shishkov, N.A. Protasov and many others. In addition, among the large cohort of Nikolaev dignitaries, the Baltic Germans A.Kh. occupied a special place. Benkendorf, W.F. Adlerberg, K.V. Nesselrode, L.V. Dubelt, P.A. Kleinmichel, E.F. Kankrin and others, who, according to Nicholas I himself, unlike the Russian nobles, served not the state, but the sovereign.

Rice. 1. Benckendorff ()

According to a number of historians (A. Kornilov), in domestic policy Nicholas I was guided by two fundamental Karamzin ideas, which he set out in the note “On Ancient and New Russia”: A) autocracy is the most important element of the stable functioning of the state; b) The main concern of the monarch is selfless service to the interests of the state and society.

A distinctive feature of Nikolaev's rule was the colossal growth of the bureaucratic apparatus in the center and locally. Thus, according to a number of historians (P. Zayonchkovsky, L. Shepelev), only in the first half of the 19th century. the number of officials at all levels increased more than sixfold. However, this fact cannot be assessed as negatively as was done in Soviet historiography, because there were good reasons for this. In particular, according to academician S. Platonov, after the Decembrist uprising, Nicholas I completely lost confidence in the upper strata of the nobility. The emperor now saw the main support of the autocracy only in the bureaucracy, so he sought to rely precisely on that part of the nobility for whom the only source of income was the public service. It is no coincidence that it was under Nicholas I that a class of hereditary officials began to form, for whom public service became a profession (Fig. 3).

Rice. 2. Nicholas I ()

In parallel with the strengthening of the state and police apparatuses of power, Nicholas I began to gradually concentrate in his hands the solution of almost all more or less important issues. Quite often, when solving one or another important issue, numerous Secret Committees and Commissions were established, which reported directly to the emperor and constantly replaced many ministries and departments, including the State Council and the Senate. It was these authorities, which included very few of the highest dignitaries of the empire - A. Golitsyn, M. Speransky, P. Kiselev, A. Chernyshev, I. Vasilchikov, M. Korf and others - that were endowed with enormous, including legislative, powers and exercised operational leadership of the country.

Rice. 3. Officials of “Nikolaev Russia”)

But the regime of personal power was most clearly embodied in His Imperial Majesty’s Own Chancellery, which arose back in the time of Paul I in 1797 G. Then under Alexander I 1812 it turned into an office for considering petitions addressed to the highest name. In those years, the position of head of the chancellery was held by Count A. Arakcheev, and she (the chancellery) even then had considerable power. Almost immediately after accession to the throne, in January 1826, Nicholas I significantly expanded the functions of the personal office, giving it the significance of the highest state body of the Russian Empire. Within the Imperial Chancellery in first half of 1826 Three special departments were created:

I Department, which was headed by the Emperor’s Secretary of State A.S. Taneyev, was in charge of the selection and placement of personnel in the central executive authorities, controlled the activities of all ministries, and was also involved in the production of ranks, the preparation of all imperial Manifestos and Decrees, and control over their implementation.

II Department, headed by another secretary of state of the emperor, M.A. Balugyansky, focused entirely on the codification of the dilapidated legislative system and the creation of a new Code of Laws of the Russian Empire.

III Department, which was headed by the emperor’s personal friend, General A. Benckendorf, and after his death - General A.F. Orlov, completely focused on political investigation within the country and abroad. Initially, the basis of this Department was the Special Office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and then, in 1827, the Corps of Gendarmes was created, headed by General L.V. Dubelt, who formed the armed and operational support of the III Division.

Stating the fact that Nicholas I sought to preserve and strengthen the autocratic serfdom system through strengthening the bureaucratic and police apparatuses of power, we must admit that in a number of cases he tried to solve the most acute internal political problems of the country through the mechanism of reforms. It was precisely this view of the internal policy of Nicholas I that was characteristic of all major pre-revolutionary historians, in particular V. Klyuchevsky, A. Kisivetter and S. Platonov. In Soviet historical science, starting with A. Presnyakov’s work “The Apogee of Autocracy” (1927), special emphasis began to be placed on the reactionary nature of the Nicholas regime. At the same time, a number of modern historians (N. Troitsky) rightly say that in their meaning and origin, the reforms of Nicholas I were significantly different from previous and upcoming reforms. If Alexander I maneuvered between the new and the old, and Alexander II yielded to the pressure of the new, then Nicholas I strengthened the old in order to more successfully resist the new.

Rice. 4. The first railway in Russia ()

Reforms of Nicholas I

a) Secret Committee V.P. Kochubey and his reform projects (1826-1832)

December 6, 1826 Nicholas I formed the First Secret Committee, which was supposed to sort out all the papers of Alexander I and determine which projects of state reforms could be taken by the sovereign as a basis when pursuing a policy of reforms. The formal head of this Committee was the Chairman of the State Council, Count V.P. Kochubey, and M.M. became the actual leader. Speransky, who long ago shook off the dust of liberalism from his feet and became a convinced monarchist. During the existence of this Committee (December 1826 - March 1832), 173 official meetings were held, at which only two serious reform projects were born.

The first was the class reform project, according to which it was supposed to abolish Peter’s “Table of Ranks”, which gave the right to military and civilian ranks to receive nobility in order of length of service. The committee proposed to establish a procedure in which nobility would be acquired only by right of birth, or by the “highest award.”

At the same time, in order to somehow encourage government officials and the emerging bourgeois class, the Committee proposed creating new classes for domestic bureaucrats and merchants - “official” and “eminent” citizens, who, like the nobles, would be exempt from poll tax and conscription and corporal punishment.

The second project provided for a new administrative reform. According to the project, the State Council was freed from the pile of administrative and judicial matters and retained only legislative functions. The Senate was divided into two independent institutions: the Governing Senate, consisting of all ministers, became the highest body of executive power, and the Judicial Senate - the highest body of state justice.

Both projects did not at all undermine the autocratic system, and, nevertheless, under the influence of the European revolutions and Polish events of 1830-1831. Nicholas I shelved the first project and buried the second forever.

b) Codification of laws M.M. Speransky (1826-1832)

January 31, 1826 Division II was created within the Imperial Chancellery, which was entrusted with the task of reforming all legislation. Professor of St. Petersburg University M.A. was appointed the official head of the Department. Balugyansky, who taught the future emperor legal sciences, but all the real work on codifying legislation was carried out by his deputy, M. Speransky.

Summer of 1826 M. Speransky sent four memos to the emperor with his proposals for drawing up a new Code of Laws. According to this plan, codification was to take place in three stages: 1. At first, it was planned to collect and publish in chronological order all legislative acts, starting with the “Conciliar Code” of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich until the end of the reign of Alexander I. 2. At the second stage, it was planned to publish a Code of Current Laws , arranged in subject-systematic order. 3. The third stage provided for the compilation and publication of a new Code of Laws, systematized by legal branches.

At the first stage of codification reform (1828-1830) Almost 31 thousand legislative acts issued in 1649-1825 were published, which were included in the 45-volume first “Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire”. At the same time, 6 volumes of the second “Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire” were published, which included legislative acts issued under Nicholas I.

At the second stage of codification reform (1830-1832) The 15-volume “Code of Laws of the Russian Empire” was prepared and published, which was a systematized (by branches of law) set of current legislation consisting of 40 thousand articles. Volumes 1-3 outlined the basic laws defining the limits of competence and the procedure for office work of all government agencies and provincial offices. Volumes 4-8 contained laws on state duties, income and property. In volume 9 all laws on estates were published, in volume 10 - civil and boundary laws. Volumes 11-14 contained police (administrative) laws, and volume 15 published criminal legislation.

January 19, 1833 The “Code of Laws of the Russian Empire” was officially approved at a meeting of the State Council and entered into legal force.

c) Nicholas' estate reformI (1832-1845)

After completing work on the codification of laws, Nicholas I returned to the class projects of the Secret Committee of Count V. Kochubey. Initially, in 1832, an imperial decree was issued, in accordance with which the middle class of “honorary citizens” of two degrees was established - “hereditary honorary citizens”, which included the descendants of personal nobles and guild merchants, and “personal honorary citizens” for officials IV -X classes and graduates of higher educational institutions.

Then, in 1845 Another Decree was issued, directly related to the class reform project of the Secret Committee. Nicholas I never decided to cancel Peter’s “Table of Ranks”, but, in accordance with his Decree, the ranks that were required to receive the nobility based on length of service were significantly increased. Now hereditary nobility was granted to civil ranks from class V (state councilor), and not from class VIII (collegiate assessor), and to military ranks, respectively, from class VI (colonel), and not from class XIV (ensign). Personal nobility for both civil and military ranks was established from class IX (titular councilor, captain), and not from class XIV, as previously.

d) The peasant question and the reform of P.D. Kiseleva (1837-1841)

In the second quarter of the 19th century. The peasant question still remained a headache for the tsarist government. Recognizing that serfdom was a powder keg for the entire state, Nicholas I believed that its abolition could lead to even more dangerous social cataclysms than those that shook Russia during his reign. Therefore, in the peasant question, the Nikolaev administration limited itself to only palliative measures aimed at somewhat softening the severity of social relations in the village.

To discuss the peasant question in 1828-1849 Nine Secret Committees were created, within which more than 100 legislative acts were discussed and adopted to limit the power of landowners over serfs. For example, in accordance with these Decrees, landowners were prohibited from sending their peasants to factories (1827), exiling them to Siberia (1828), transferring serfs to the category of domestic servants and paying them for debts (1833), selling peasants to retail (1841) etc. However, the real significance of these Decrees and the specific results of their application turned out to be insignificant: the landowners simply ignored these legislative acts, many of which were advisory in nature.

The only attempt to seriously resolve the peasant issue was the reform of the state village carried out by General P.D. Kiselev in 1837-1841

To prepare the state village reform project in April 1836 in the depths of Own E.I. In the Chancellery, a special V Department was created, which was headed by Adjutant General P. Kiselev. In accordance with the personal instructions of Nicholas I and his own vision of this issue, he considered that in order to heal the ills of the state-owned village, it was enough to create a good administration that could carefully and efficiently manage it. That is why, at the first stage of the reform, in 1837, the state-owned village was removed from the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Finance and transferred to the management of the Ministry of State Property, the first head of which was General P. Kiselev himself, who remained in this post until 1856.

Then, in 1838-1839, to manage the state village locally, state chambers were created in the provinces and state district administrations in the counties. And only after that, in 1840-1841, the reform reached the volosts and villages, where several governing bodies were created at once: volost and village assemblies, boards and reprisals.

After the completion of this reform, the government once again took up the problem of landowner peasants, and soon the Decree “On Obligated Peasants” was born. (April1842), also developed on the initiative of P. Kiselev.

The essence of this Decree was as follows: each landowner, at his personal discretion, could grant manumission to his serfs, but without the right to sell them their own plots of land. All land remained the property of the landowners, and peasants received only the right to use this land on a lease basis. For the possession of their own plots of land, they were obliged, as before, to bear corvee labor and rent. However, according to the agreement that the peasant entered into with the landowner, the latter did not have the right: A) increase the size of corvée and quitrent and b) take away or reduce the land plot agreed upon by mutual agreement.

According to a number of historians (N. Troitsky, V. Fedorov), the Decree “On Obligated Peasants” was a step back compared to the Decree “On Free Plowmen”, since that legislative act broke feudal relations between landowners and serfs, and the new law preserved their.

e) Financial reform E.F. Cancrina (1839-1843)

An active foreign policy and the constant increase in government spending on the maintenance of the state apparatus and the army became the cause of an acute financial crisis in the country: the expenditure side of the state budget was almost one and a half times higher than its revenue side. The result of this policy was the constant devaluation of the assignat ruble in relation to the silver ruble, and to late 1830s its real value was only 25% of the value of the silver ruble.

Rice. 5. Credit card after the Kankrin reform ()

In order to prevent the financial collapse of the state, at the proposal of long-time Minister of Finance Yegor Frantsevich Kankrin, it was decided to carry out a monetary reform. At the first stage of the reform, in 1839, state credit notes were introduced (Fig. 5), which were equated to the silver ruble and could be freely exchanged for it. Then, after accumulating the necessary reserves of precious metals, the second stage of the reform was carried out . From June 1843 the exchange of all banknotes in circulation for state credit notes began at the rate of one credit ruble for three and a half banknote rubles. Thus, E. Kankrin’s monetary reform significantly strengthened the country’s financial system, but it was not possible to completely overcome the financial crisis, since the government continued to pursue the same budget policy.

Bibliography

1. Vyskochkov V.L. Emperor Nicholas I: man and sovereign. - St. Petersburg, 2001.
2. Druzhinin N.M. State peasants and the reform of P.D. Kiselev. - M., 1958.
3. Zayonchkovsky P.K. The government apparatus of autocratic Russia in the 19th century. - M., 1978.
4. Eroshkin N.P. Feudal autocracy and its political institutions. - M., 1981.
5. Kornilov A.A. Course on the history of Russia in the 19th century. - M., 1993.
6. Mironenko S.V. Pages of the secret history of autocracy. - M., 1990.
7. Presnyakov A.E. Russian autocrats. - M., 1990.
8. Pushkarev S.G. History of Russia in the 19th century. - M., 2003.
9. Troitsky N.A. Russia in the 19th century. - M., 1999.
10. Shepelev L.E. The apparatus of power in Russia. The era of Alexander I and Nicholas I. - St. Petersburg, 2007.

1. Omop.su ().
2. Rusizn.ru ().
3. EncVclopaedia-russia.ru ().
4. Bibliotekar.ru ().
5. Chrono.ru ().

Nicholas (1796-1855) was the third son of Paul I. No one imagined him as an autocratic ruler of Russia, since with two older brothers, accession to the throne was unlikely. Nikolai Pavlovich was prepared for military service. Together with the Emperor Alexander young Nicholas entered Paris at the head of the victorious Russian army in 1814. In 1817, he married the daughter of the Prussian king, Charlotte, who received the name Alexandra Fedorovna in Russia.

In people and officials, Nikolai valued diligence, humility, and readiness to submit most of all. Understanding perfectly the need and inevitability of reforms, Nicholas nevertheless sought, first of all, to ensure the stability of the existing order in the country. For fear of new shocks, the development of all reform plans under him was carried out in an atmosphere of even greater secrecy than under Alexander I. Unable to find the strength to abolish serfdom, Nikolai, according to contemporaries, before his death he took the word from his son (the future Emperor Alexander II) to solve this historical problem.

Strengthening the role of the state apparatus

In the first years of his reign, the new tsar, unlike Alexander I, sought to resolve not only the most important, but also not very significant issues himself. For personal control over the affairs of ministries and departments, he expanded the scope of activity of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery, which began to play a leading role in public administration affairs and in many ways replace the Cabinet of Ministers. In January 1826, the tsar created the second department of his chancellery, headed by M. M. Speransky, who had returned from exile. Its main task was to prepare a single Code laws. Previously, this work had been carried out unsuccessfully for decades. Speransky managed to complete it in just five years. In 1832, the first Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire was published in 45 volumes, and in 1833 - the Code of Current Laws of the State.

In December 1826, Nicholas created a secret committee chaired by former member of the Secret Committee, Count V.P. Kochubey. He was instructed to draw up a project reforms government controlled. However, Kochubey failed to solve this problem.

Many even minor decisions were made by the highest government bodies. This required a huge army of officials. By the end of the reign of Nicholas, their number amounted to almost 90 thousand people (at the beginning of the reign of Alexander I there were 15 thousand officials). Sometimes the power of a minor official was more significant for a simple petitioner than the decision of a minister.

In the early 40s. The already insignificant role of the State Council was limited.

Strengthening the support of autocratic power

Nicholas I paid great attention to the task of strengthening the noble class. He was concerned that the impoverishment of part of the nobility, which had begun under Alexander I, continued. He tried to strengthen the financial position of the upper class. To achieve this, the order of inheritance of large estates, which included at least 400 peasant households, was changed. Now they could not be fragmented and were passed on by inheritance to the eldest in the family. The property qualification for participants in the elections of noble self-government bodies was increased.

Since 1828, only children of nobles and officials could be admitted to secondary and higher educational institutions.

Attempts to solve the peasant question

Nikolai understood perfectly well that the main problem of Russian society remained the peasant question. By that time, no one, even among the largest landowners, disputed the idea that the life and life of the peasants should be improved.

Nicholas decided to start with reforms aimed at improving the situation of state peasants. These reforms were carried out by General P. D. Kiselev, a member of the State Council and Minister of State Property. The main point of the transformations carried out in 1837-1841 was the introduction of peasant self-government. Schools and hospitals began to be established in villages. Where there was not enough land, sometimes a decision was made to resettle peasants to free land in other regions of the country, especially in the east. In order to protect the peasants from crop failure, it was decided to leave part of the land for “public plowing.” In these areas, peasants worked together and enjoyed the fruits of common labor. Often they were forced to plant potatoes on such public plots. This was unusual for Russian peasants and led in the early 40s. to the "potato riots".

Kiselyov's reform could not arouse sympathy from the landowners, since the differences in the position of state and serf peasants increased too much. Dissatisfaction with Kiselev's transformations led Nicholas to the conviction that although serfdom was evil, attempts to immediately eliminate it threatened with protest from adherents of serfdom.

Nevertheless, he took individual steps in this direction: the sale of serfs for debts was prohibited; “retail” sales of members of the same family were also prohibited. In 1842, a decree on “obligated” peasants was adopted. According to it, landowners could free peasants upon concluding an agreement with them to provide them with land plots for hereditary ownership. For this, the peasants were obliged to perform various duties in favor of their former owners. However, landowners almost never took advantage of this right. At the same time, landowners were given permission to free serfs without land.

In 1847, serfs received the right to redeem their freedom if their owner's estate was put up for sale for debts; in 1848 they were given the right to purchase unoccupied lands and buildings. Finally, in 1847-1848. In the western provinces, where the landowners were mostly Catholic Poles and their serfs were Orthodox, inventory rules were introduced. They strictly determined the size of peasant plots and the duties of peasants in favor of the landowners, which improved the situation of the serfs.

However, despite all these innovations, serfdom in Russia continued to persist.

Russian Orthodox Church and State

The position of the Russian Orthodox Church and its relationship with the state throughout the 19th century. were determined by laws adopted under Peter I. They declared Orthodoxy not only the “primary and dominant” faith in Russia, but also the basis of imperial power. This provision also consolidated the role of the emperor as the actual head of the church.

The highest body of church government was the Synod, whose members were appointed and decisions were approved by the tsar. The immediate leader of the Synod was an official appointed by the emperor and his representative in this body - the chief prosecutor. Local church administration was carried out through dioceses (church regions), headed by bishops, archbishops, and metropolitans.

According to the laws of the Russian Empire, it was allowed to profess any other religion, with the only proviso that it recognizes the royal power and the existing order. The position of the Russian Orthodox Church was, however, more privileged. Representatives of other faiths were also encouraged to convert to Orthodoxy.

The elders enjoyed great authority - religious mentors who gained special respect among believers for their sermons and righteous lifestyle. The most prominent figure among the elders in the first half of the 19th century. was a monk of the Sarov desert (monastery) Seraphim (1760-1833). Thousands of people from all over the country came to him for advice and guidance.

The struggle between the church authorities and the state against the Old Believers (schismatics) continued. Nicholas I forbade the Old Believers to accept fugitive priests, and then supported the destruction of the Old Believers monasteries in the Volga region. It seemed that the Old Believers had been dealt a severe blow. However, in 1846, Metropolitan Ambrose of Bosno-Sarajevo converted to the Old Believers and was declared Metropolitan of Belokrinitsky (after the name of the village of Belaya Krinitsa in Bukovina within the Austrian Empire). Hundreds of thousands of Old Believers became followers of the Belokrinitsky Church in Russia.

Strengthening the fight against revolutionary sentiments

One of the most important directions of the reign of Nicholas I was the fight against any manifestations of disagreement with the policies of the authorities.

The Tsar organized the activities of the political police in a new way and placed them under his personal control. In 1826, the Third Department of the Tsar's Chancellery was created. He was entrusted with all political affairs and control over the mood of minds. Bodies of the III department were also created locally. To establish the order the authorities needed, the chief of the Third Section also had at his disposal the armed forces of the gendarme corps. The chief of the III department and the gendarme corps was General A. Kh. Benckendorf, endowed with the special trust of the Tsar.

To curb the “blooming” press, Nicholas placed it under strict censorship control. The censorship statute of 1826 was aptly called “cast iron” by contemporaries.

It was forbidden to admit serfs to secondary and higher educational institutions, limiting their education to parish schools with one grade level. The Minister of Public Education S.S. Uvarov was particularly zealous, saying once: “If I manage to move Russia 50 years away from what theories tell it, then I will fulfill my duty and die in peace.”

The main direction of the domestic policy of Nicholas I was the strengthening of the position of the nobility and the fight against the revolutionary threat. Even the development of reform projects was carried out exclusively for these purposes.

Questions and tasks

1. What do you see as the reasons for the tightening of domestic policy under Nicholas I?

2. How did the strengthening of the role of the state apparatus manifest itself under the new tsar?

3. By what measures did Nicholas try to demonstrate continuity with the previous reign?

4. What caused the need to take measures to strengthen the financial situation of the nobles?

5. What measures were taken by Nicholas I to resolve the peasant issue?

6. What was the point of creating the III department of His Imperial Majesty’s Own Chancellery? What tasks were set for him by Nicholas I?

7. Give a general assessment of the domestic policy of Nicholas I.

Documentation

From the notes of the head of the III department of A. X. Benckendorf

Emperor Nicholas sought to eradicate the abuses that had crept into many parts of government, and was convinced from the suddenly discovered conspiracy, which stained the first minutes of the new reign with blood, of the need for widespread, more vigilant supervision, which would finally flock to one center; The sovereign chose me to form a higher police force that would protect the oppressed and monitor abuses and people prone to them. The number of the latter has increased to a terrifying degree since many French adventurers, having mastered the education of their youth in our country, brought the revolutionary principles of their fatherland to Russia, and even more since the last wars through the rapprochement of our officers with the liberals of those European countries where our victories took us.

V. A. Zhukovsky about the actions of censorship under Nicholas I

What profound immorality is in the habits of our Government! The police print out the husband's letters to his wife and bring them to the Tsar (a well-bred and honest man) to read, and the Tsar is not ashamed to admit it - and set the intrigue in motion...

From the speech of Nicholas I at a meeting of the State Council on March 30, 1842

There is no doubt that serfdom in our current situation is a tangible and obvious evil for everyone; but to touch it now would be an evil, of course, even more disastrous. Emperor Alexander I, whose intention at the beginning of his reign was to grant freedom to serfs, subsequently deviated from this idea as still completely premature and impossible to implement. I will also never dare to do this: if the time when it will be possible to begin this is still far away, then in the present era any thought about this would only be a criminal encroachment on public peace and the good of the state. The Pugachev riot proved how far the riot of the mob can reach...

Questions and tasks for documents:

1. Based on the notes of A. Kh. Benckendorf, explain what main goal Nicholas I had in mind when creating the III Department.

2. How did the intelligentsia feel about increased censorship?

3. Based on the text of Nicholas I’s speech, show how he understood the need to resolve the peasant issue and why he considered it one of the central ones during the years of his reign.

Expanding vocabulary:

Gendarmerie- police, which have a military organization and perform security tasks within the country and the army. The first gendarmerie units in the Russian army were created in 1815.
Office- department of the institution.

The direction and results of the domestic policy of Nicholas I

As a rule, every ruler, emperor or king tries to carry out some reforms in his state, make changes, restore order, but some rulers succeed, while others do not quite succeed. In today's lesson, we looked at the internal policies of Nicholas I and now let's summarize his reign.

As you already know, the policy of Nicholas I had a tough type of rule, the reason for which can be called the Decembrist uprising, which occurred on the day of his oath.

Now let's remember how Nicholas the First began his reign and what reforms he carried out in the country during this time.

Summing up the reign of Nicholas I, it can be noted that upon ascending the throne, the main tasks of the new emperor were aimed at strengthening personal power and suppressing any dissent. The beginning of his reign was marked by an active struggle against all kinds of revolutionary sentiments, both within his country and abroad. During the reign of Nicholas I, Russia received the title of the main gendarme of Europe.

What are the main directions that can be identified in the domestic policy of Nicholas I:

First, the centralization of power was increased;
Secondly, there was a tough fight against ideas that were revolutionary in nature;
Thirdly, all efforts were aimed at increasing the role of the emperor's office;
Fourthly, the peasant question was raised;
Fifth, financial reform was carried out;
Sixthly, attention was paid to social reform.

In order to complete the assigned tasks and eliminate the underlying problems, the goal was first to solve the first three tasks, and only then could we begin to complete the rest.

Domestic policy of Nicholas I, aimed at strengthening personal power

When considering the priority tasks, one can note the tough nature of the actions of the new ruler. For these purposes, he instructs Uvarov to create a program of action in which everyone, without exception, will have to obey the emperor. The main ones in this theory were to be such canons as Orthodoxy, nationality and autocracy. Thanks to such actions, Nicholas I sought to unite the Russian people.

Also, during this period, the Cast Iron Censorship Charter was issued, with the help of which the government fought the spread of various revolutionary publications, which were widely distributed among the nobles at that time. By his actions, the emperor further incited secret societies against the government.

The next step in the reign of Nicholas I was the creation of a secret police to combat various political movements. And although the actions of the secret office were not so effective, nevertheless, political investigation increased its pressure on the people.

Reforms in the economy and social sphere

The internal policy of Nicholas the First was aimed not only at strengthening power, but was also successfully carried out in other spheres of public life. Thanks to an excellent monetary reform, a stable currency emerged and the country achieved financial stability.

To raise the standard of living of peasants, attention was paid to peasant reform. During the reign of Nicholas I, a Decree on obligated peasants was issued, thanks to which self-government bodies were created, the number of schools for peasant children increased, and peasants began to be allocated more plots.

In the social sphere, changes also occurred, and a new class appeared in society, which was called hereditary and honorary citizens of their state.

Therefore, to summarize the study of this topic, we can say with confidence that during the reign of Nicholas I, on the one hand, he showed concern for the citizens of his state, and on the other, he suppressed any dissent. That is, during his reign, Nicholas the First was a cruel but rational ruler.

Danilov A. A. History of Russia, XIX century. 8th grade: textbook. for general education institutions / A. A. Danilov, L. G. Kosulina. - 10th ed. - M.: Education, 2009. - 287 p., l. ill., map.