All laws of perestroika. Perestroika: what and how we “rebuilt.” Moldova and Transnistria

At the end of the 1980s. In the USSR, there was a “slipping” of transformations, an actual failure in reforming the economy, aggravation of economic and social problems, growing discontent in society, and opposition to the “perestroika” course on the part of the party and state apparatus.

The older generation remembers the times of perestroika of the so-called economic crisis, unfortunately, not with a smile on their face, but with bitterness and sadness, because that period of time cannot be called a “period of life”; the name “time of survival” is appropriate.

I read and heard a lot about this time from various sources, but I did not receive any specific answers. And so I had a desire to study this issue in more depth.

As a future economist, I am concerned with the questions: “How did the government manage to bring Russia to such a terrible state?” and “Why did reforms aimed at improving the system lead to its collapse?”

According to the recollections of people of the older generation, that time was difficult to bear. When production discipline fell, laxity grew, contractual obligations were not fulfilled, and the number of unprofitable enterprises grew. A time of shortage, when there was an acute shortage of goods, store shelves were emptying, and the purchasing power of the ruble was decreasing. There was a shortage of not only food, but also all consumer goods.

According to the stories of my parents, I associate the time of perestroika with huge queues, when people got up early in the morning, and sometimes stood for five or more hours at night, with the impossibility of buying the necessary goods, and took what they could “get”, the time injustice, horror for the present and fear of the future.

And as a simple 11th grade student, I am interested in the question: “How did people survive during perestroika?”

During the research, I turned to various sources. Newsreels, journalism, and archival data helped me present the overall picture of events. Sources of personal origin were of particular interest. Of course, this work has its own difficulties and peculiarities, since it is difficult to call such an assessment of ongoing events objective. But still, during the research, I tried to give an objective assessment, despite my negative attitude towards that time.

II. Reforms of the 1990s through the eyes of my family and friends.

1. Background to “PERESTROYKA”

Before starting an investigation into the policies of M. S. Gorbachev and his group, I was interested in the initial stage of the crisis. Perhaps the preconditions for the crisis began not with M. S. Gorbachev, but earlier?

Having turned to the sources, I learned very interesting facts.

After the death of L. I. Brezhnev (November 1982), a struggle for leadership began in the highest echelons of power. Its severity is evidenced by the fact that twice in a short period of time, the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee was filled by persons who were physically weak and, for this reason, obviously “temporary” as leaders of the ruling party: from November 1982 - Yu. V. Andropov, and after his death in February 1984 - K. U. Chernenko.

Yu. V. Andropov, a conservative communist by conviction and long-time chief of the KGB, managed to be remembered by the people for embarking on an uncompromising fight against corruption and strengthening labor discipline - “from the minister to the worker.” And then the frightened officials hastened to bring this good cause to the point of absurdity (for example, in large cities, raids were organized on people during the day, allegedly to check the reasons for absence from work), which greatly discredited the dangerous course of the new Secretary General for them.

K. U. Chernenko, a personal friend and ally of L. I. Brezhnev, began by inviting about fifty high-ranking apparatchiks demoted by Andropov to the plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. Once again, propaganda fanfare about the unprecedented successes of socialism and the “visible shoots of communism” began to sound throughout the country.

Let me emphasize right away: covering this stage is much more difficult than previous decades. The reasons are obvious. Sources that allow us to reveal the background of the events of recent years and the true motives of the decisions made by statesmen are not yet available. In addition, many of them continue their political careers today, actively influencing public opinion, offering their own version of what happened during the years of “perestroika”, and even later. Therefore, on the one hand, incompleteness and even subjectivity in the assessment of individual historical phenomena and facts are inevitable, on the other hand, ambiguity in the perception of these assessments, which is now split, like society as a whole, according to political preferences and interests.

Like every phenomenon, perestroika had its own serious preconditions.

1. Objective:

Stagnation in the economy, growing scientific and technological lag behind the West, failures in the social sphere;

The political crisis, expressed in the decay of the leadership, in its inability to ensure economic progress;

Apathy and negative phenomena in the spiritual sphere of society pushed for change.

2. The subjective prerequisite for perestroika was the arrival in the second half of the 70s and early 80s. to the leadership of the country of relatively young politicians (M. S. Gorbachev, E. K. Ligachev, E. A. Shevardnadze, N. I. Ryzhkov, A. N. Yakovlev), who sought not only to strengthen their power, but also advocated renewal of the state and society.

Perestroika is brought to life by the burden of accumulated problems that cannot be solved by half-measures of a cosmetic nature. The dissatisfaction of the population of the USSR with their situation and the increase in socio-economic and foreign policy difficulties.

People who had previously been content with little now wanted not only to buy quality products, but also to dress fashionably, and the clumsy industry could not keep up with the new needs of people. This was one of the reasons for the increasing problem of shortage of goods that people wanted, but could not purchase due to the insufficient quantity of products produced. The shortage caused discontent among the population. And one of the reasons for the need for perestroika was the crisis of the authoritarian political system. The Soviet people no longer wanted to put up with the role of dumb objects of government, especially since party documents and resolutions stated: democracy exists in the USSR and the people are the master of the country. These factors were caused by a whole group of crises that the USSR faced. First of all, it was a crisis of a superpower, expressed in the fact that the development of the Soviet economy was hampered by the arms race, which was a consequence of constant rivalry with the United States and the entire Western world. The country's population became increasingly disillusioned with the achievements of the Soviet economy, comparing them with the achievements of Western countries. As a result, the gradual formation of informal social movements began that advocated the democratization of socialism. The preconditions for truly revolutionary transformations were maturing in Soviet society. As with all modernizations in Russia, the transition to perestroika turned out to be forced.

2. The beginning of economic reforms.

It is known from history that in March 1985 M. S. Gorbachev was elected to the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. To date, there is no complete clarity regarding the details and circumstances of this election. Be that as it may, the election of M. S. Gorbachev, the youngest member of the top political leadership at that time, testified to the desire of part of the party apparatus to somewhat modify the decrepit totalitarian system. And the beginning of radical reforms in the field of public administration, broad socio-political, and economic transformations was to begin, associated with the decisions of the April Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, where, in essence, the beginning of the policy of perestroika was announced.

M. S. Gorbachev decided on reforms that were supposed to bring the USSR out of the pre-crisis state: to stop the decline in industrial growth rates, to ensure the modernization of the economy, to stop the squandering of the country’s natural resources, the sale of which it lived in the 1970-1980s, to prevent the loss of the status of the Soviet Union a great power that had military-strategic parity with the NATO bloc.

In the course of my research, I noticed that, in essence, the reforms that had begun did not affect the fundamentals of either the political or economic mechanism, but rather pursued the task of giving them a more liberal character. Also, the proclaimed course from the very beginning was not supported by a clearly developed program of reforms. Of course, the country's leadership understood that social relations must be changed. But the direction of change was unclear even to the reformers themselves.

I believe that one of the reasons for the need for perestroika was the crisis of the authoritarian political system. The Soviet people no longer wanted to put up with the role of dumb objects of government, especially since party documents and resolutions stated: democracy exists in the USSR and the people are the master of the country. General indignation was caused by nomenklatura privileges, the ineffectiveness of the bureaucratic apparatus, the arbitrariness and irresponsibility of officials, and corruption. As a result, the gradual formation of informal social movements began that advocated the democratization of socialism. The preconditions for truly revolutionary transformations were maturing in Soviet society.

And on April 23, the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee set a course for “perestroika and acceleration.” Thus, it was intended to increase the growth rate of national income and intensify social policy. One of the main tasks was the reconstruction of industrial production, its transfer to new scientific and technological principles.

The “acceleration” reserves were:

Improving product quality;

Rationalization and mechanization of production;

Activation of the “human factor”.

But new measures were supposed to be introduced within the framework of the old system.

The first years of perestroika showed that radical changes cannot be achieved without deep transformations of the economy and political system. I believe that there were two alternatives to the development of the USSR:

1) experience based on the reception of China, where, in the absence of political freedoms, economic reform was widely developed;

2) implementing democratization and economic reforms simultaneously.

But Gorbachev and his immediate circle chose the second development option. Realizing the importance of economic issues, Gorbachev convened a Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee in June 1987, at which a program of reforms in the economy was proposed.

In June 1987, the State Enterprise Law was passed, giving plants and factories greater independence. Work collectives could elect a director (this idea was later abandoned). In rural areas, the equality of five forms of management was recognized: state farms, collective farms, agricultural complexes, rental collectives and private farms. Despite all the measures taken, the planned targets in the national economy were not met for most indicators. Moreover, shortages of food and consumer goods have worsened. The budget deficit increased, which was partly facilitated by a decrease in oil export revenues. It is a familiar fact to many that in the mid-80s. Two administrative campaigns were launched throughout the country: the fight against alcoholism and against “unearned income.” And again, in these seemingly good initiatives, bureaucratic zeal and passion prevailed. Having determined that this had an evil, detrimental effect on the situation in the country, on the socio-psychological state of society, and having initially met with significant support from the population, the political leadership did not take into account that the bureaucratic style of implementing the planned measures could lead to side effects that would not improve the situation . And indeed, the cutting down of vineyards, a sharp reduction in the sale of alcoholic beverages, an increase in prices for them without saturating the market with products on which the funds freed up in families could be spent, led to an increase in speculation in alcohol, moonshine, and a “sugar” boom. In the fight against unearned income, the layer of people who grew and sold their products in the markets was really affected, while the bigwigs of the “shadow economy” associated with the corrupt part of the apparatus continued to flourish. I can say that initially market reforms revived the economic life of the country. Many people worked enthusiastically, hoping to get a higher salary. More expensive, but also better quality cooperative goods appeared on the shelves.

However, in 1988 a crisis broke out. Production in a number of industries began to fall. The shortage of goods has worsened. And the transition of the economy to self-financing began - granting enterprises limited economic independence. Of course, it was assumed that the funds previously transferred by the enterprise to the budget and irrationally used by the state would be used more rationally by the enterprise itself. However, it should be noted that the provision of financial resources to enterprises was not complemented by the creation of wholesale trade; material and technical resources continued to be distributed predominantly centrally. It was their centralized distribution that was the source of power for the middle layer of management - ministries and departments, and they could not part with it. As a result, the only direction for using enterprise funds was to stimulate employees.

At the end of the 80s. Most economists, business executives, and party leaders recognized the need for widespread development of market relations.

1 The Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR decided to begin the transition to a new model of economic development.

At the turn of the 80-90s. Individual labor activity and the creation of cooperatives for the production of several types of goods were allowed. Enterprises were given the opportunity to independently sell above-plan products. However, the lack of market mechanisms in the economy created difficulties in implementing this provision.

The next step in economic reform was marked by the adoption in June 1990 of the resolution of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR “On the concept of the transition to a regulated market economy.” The gradual decentralization and denationalization of property, the establishment of joint-stock companies and banks, and the development of private entrepreneurship were envisaged. However, the timing of the implementation of government measures was outlined in program documents approximately, and not specifically. Their weak point was the elaboration of the pricing policy, supply system for enterprises and wholesale trade in equipment, raw materials, and energy resources necessary to optimize production.

At the same time, an alternative “500 Days Program”, prepared by a group of economists, was brought to the attention of the public. It was planned to carry out, in this short period of time, a radical phased privatization of state-owned enterprises with a focus on a direct transition to free market prices, and to significantly limit the economic power of the center. But the government rejected it.

In my opinion, the government carried out quite competent and “useful” reforms for society, but these reforms were inconsistent and half-hearted, which only intensified the crisis of the national economy and did not lead to significant positive results.

3. Perestroika through the eyes of eyewitnesses.

In the Tver region, where I live, perestroika also affected the national economy and enterprises.

According to my dad’s memoirs, I learned about the development of perestroika in enterprises. In 1986, perestroika in the national economy gained momentum and improved. Have the renovation processes affected our company? To some extent, yes. People began to work more conscientiously, the majority had an increased sense of responsibility, and discipline became stronger. But much remained as it was. Factories showed timidity and had little influence on the state of affairs. From the stands of meetings there were often calls to work in a new way, but in reality they showed inertia and indifference. The trade union committee cared little about the development of the enterprise and its improvement. Insufficient attention was paid to the working conditions of workers. Drafts, poor lighting.

But there was a time when the factory produced excellent furniture and took top places in the republican competition. And during the eleventh five-year plan, she never took a top place in this competition. All these years, rush jobs have been constant companions in my work, month after month, year after year. And after work I had to stay and grab Saturday. You look, even with great efforts, but the plan is fulfilled. But at what expense? Due to rush jobs and weakening in quality.

From my parents’ memories of how the people survived during perestroika, I learned a lot of interesting things.

My parents constantly traveled to Moscow, fortunately our city of Konakovo is not far from it. There were constant crowds on the train, people were traveling with huge backpacks and bags, packing food for the whole week ahead. Because of this, Muscovites called newcomers bagmen. I even remembered a joke: it’s green, long, smells like sausage, that’s how people joked about the train back then.

And there was a growing shortage of goods in stores. People signed up for a queue, a number was written on their hand, and everyone waited their turn, and every two hours there was a roll call. I am amazed that people were so tolerant that they even had to stand for days, sometimes they had to replace each other, but they stood, and what disappointment awaited them when their turn came, but the goods they needed were no longer available, and they took everything that was left. It’s hard to imagine the stress the people were experiencing.

Only Muscovites who had connections or acquaintances lived well, and relatives worked in the store. All goods from the cities were sent to Moscow. For example, there was a meat processing plant in Torzhok, but there were no sausages or other meat products on store shelves. That time can be called “the time of entrepreneurship and sellers,” they were so jubilant while the common people were looking for a way to survive. In stores, necessary and scarce goods were then sold with slow-moving or expired goods, and then with large markups. It was the most difficult time then.

IN KEEPING UP WITH PERESTROIKA.

Perestroika directly affected all sectors of the national economy, all aspects of our life. For the people's controllers, perestroika was to raise the work of committees and groups to the level of new tasks, to ensure much greater effectiveness, so that the contribution of people's control to the common cause would be more significant. Each person has his own opinion about the time of perestroika, about economic changes and transformations. Letters and articles helped me to imagine the overall picture of that time. Here, for example, from the memoirs of the chairman of the people’s control group of the collective farm “For Peace” in the Sandovsky district, N. A. Solovyova. She was happy to notice the first steps of perestroika. I thought that there was more order on the collective farm, people began to work more cheerfully. The collective farm significantly exceeded its plans for the sale of flax, grain, and potatoes. People's controllers have also changed noticeably. Inspections began to be carried out not only according to signals, not from case to case, but systematically, they tried to complete the work they started. And yet, perestroika did not proceed as vigorously as the people wanted. Some people were drawn to the old rut; they did not want to break themselves, to look at their work in a new way. This also applied to the people's controllers. They were not satisfied with the livestock business. They began to produce more products, but what about their quality? A lot of milk was sold second grade, spoiled especially in the summer, lost money, and undermined the collective farm economy. Not everyone was active, some heads of posts and sectors did not want to aggravate relations, they acted only on instructions and orders.

But the chairman of the people's control group of the Selizharovsky timber industry enterprise, L.N. Batazova, recalls that, unfortunately, they did not really feel the restructuring at the enterprise. Little has been done to improve the organization and working conditions, or strengthen discipline. Cases of negligence and abuse of duty have not been eliminated.

The people's controllers attributed all the shortcomings to their own account, because they also rebuilt slowly. However, they understood their responsibility to the team and tried to act more actively every day, quickly restructuring their work in accordance with the requirements of the party. Through a clear distribution of responsibilities, it was possible to activate the sentinels, conduct a number of effective checks on the quality of products, rational cutting of wood, storage of finished products, and consumption of fuels and lubricants.

L.N. Batazova recalls that the main thing, as it seemed to them, was that they became tougher, more principled in their demands from officials. They carried out an inspection, made decisions, determined deadlines, and brought them to the attention of the administration. And then we tried not to deviate from our goal.

At the request of the people's inspectors, the teams producing complete containers were deprived of bonuses, since many shortcomings were revealed in their work.

We received very little help from the party committee and trade union committee. The administration did not always respond promptly and as expected to signals from people’s inspectors; inspection reports were often left unattended. But perestroika affected everyone. It was just necessary to understand that perestroika had become irreversible, and that there would be no return to the old ways.

The current situation, it seems to me, quite convincingly demonstrates what many years of practice of working in an extensive way, without taking into account the main acceleration factors, can lead to.

4. Result of perestroika.

Having familiarized myself with the opinions of historians regarding the crisis of perestroika, I support some points of view.

I noticed that the course towards perestroika, proclaimed by Gorbachev’s leadership, was accompanied by slogans of accelerating the economic development of the country and openness, freedom of speech in the field of public life of the population of the USSR. But the economic freedom of enterprises, the expansion of their independence and the revival of the private sector resulted in rising prices, a shortage of basic goods and a falling standard of living for the majority of the country's population. And of course, the policy of glasnost, which at first was perceived as a healthy criticism of all the negative phenomena of Soviet society, led to an uncontrollable process of denigration of the entire past of the country, the emergence of new ideological and political movements and parties alternative to the course of the CPSU.

I believe that the decomposition of the administrative-command system generated by the perestroika processes in the USSR, the abolition of the previous levers of managing the country and its economy only worsened the life of the Soviet people and radically influenced the further deterioration of the economic situation. Moscow could no longer strictly control the situation in the country. Market reforms, proclaimed in a number of decisions of the country's leadership, could not be understood by ordinary people, since they further worsened the already low level of well-being of the people. Inflation increased, prices on the “black market” rose, and there was a shortage of goods and products. Labor strikes and interethnic conflicts were frequent occurrences.

According to the recollections of my parents, the beginning of the autumn of 1990 was marked, on the one hand, by an increase in mass discontent caused by the deterioration of the financial and social situation, and on the other, by the unity of conservative party groups. By March 1991, the situation had worsened even more. The old center, and with it the unitary Union of the SSR, collapsed. The country found itself on the verge of anarchy and anarchy. Gorbachev finally lost both personal influence and real levers of control. The failure of the August 1991 putsch showed the impossibility of resuscitating the previous political system. My personal opinion is that the very fact of the attempted coup was the result of Gorbachev’s inconsistent and ill-considered policies, leading the country to collapse.

On December 25, M. Gorbachev signed a decree relieving himself of the functions of Supreme Commander-in-Chief and announced his resignation from the post of President of the USSR. That same evening, the red flag of the USSR was lowered from the flagpole above the Grand Kremlin Palace and the restored white-blue-red Russian banner was raised.

III. Conclusion

What did working on the essay give me?

Firstly, I got good practice in working with various sources, enriched with theoretical information about them, the ability to extract the necessary information, and give my own assessment of events.

Secondly, by turning to various sources, I was able to look at the problem from the inside, to understand how difficult it was for people to go through that time. I answered the questions that interested me for myself. There were difficulties in objectively assessing the events, but I know for sure that the strength of the people, their boundless patience, faith and hope for the best did not allow them to fall into ruin and opened a new path to a happy future.

Perestroika in the USSR changed many destinies of Russians. Some people talk about the events of this time as inevitable. Some people think that there was no need to rebuild anything.

The events of perestroika took place under the leadership of M. S. Gorbachev, who became the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee in 1985.

Perestroika in the USSR 1985-1991.

At the April plenum of the CPSU Central Committee in 1985, an announcement was made about the beginning of perestroika, the first stages of which sounded like “acceleration and restructuring.”

Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev (born 1931) - the last General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (1985-1991). The last Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1988-1989), then the first Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1989-1990). The first and only president of the USSR (1990-1991).

The term “acceleration” meant economic growth. The meaning of this process was to double the entire national economy of the USSR within 15 years. This term was quickly forgotten, and everything that happened in the country began to be called “perestroika.”

The period of history, called perestroika, was characterized by major transformations that changed Soviet society and led to the collapse of the USSR.

Background and reasons

The pre-perestroika period is defined as the “era of stagnation,” the consequences of which led to the abandonment of the socialist path.

The prerequisites for perestroika were:

1. Economic forces, characterized by a decrease in the growth of agriculture and industry; a drop in labor productivity; the collapse of the financial system; shortage of goods and the introduction of cards; scientific and technical lag in resource-saving technologies and production; increase in external debt.
2. Social factors— a decline in the living standards of citizens and the strengthening of the dissident movement.
3. Political factors, including corruption, criminalization of the economy, and the growth of national contradictions.
4. Foreign policy factors reflected in the weakening of the international status of the USSR, the isolation of the country due to events in Afghanistan and the aggravation of the Cold War.

The main reason for the restructuring was the crisis state of the country's economic development, which was led to by many other factors. One of them is gerontocracy, the concentration of power in the hands of elderly leaders.

The purpose of Gorbachev's perestroika

The goals of declaring the transition to a new policy were:

• improvement of the country's economy;
• rejuvenation of the composition of the highest authorities;
• foreign policy settlement.

At the same time, the team of perestroika organizers did not seek to turn the country onto the capitalist path; they sought to improve socialism.

Events that took place during the years of perestroika are presented in a chronological table.

Reforms and laws of perestroika of the USSR

Political perestroika reforms include:

• a resolution indicating personnel renewal concerning leaders in the upper echelons of power;
• amnesty for political prisoners;
• the law “On the Press and Media,” which proclaimed the policy of openness;
• a change in the Constitution introducing a two-tier system of legislative bodies;
• introduction of the highest post of the Soviet Union - the president.

Well-known economists Abalkin, Zaslavskaya and Aganbegyan developed a project for the implementation of economic reforms, requiring new laws.

A way out of the economic crisis in Russia was expected through the adoption of:

• the law on economic activity at state-owned enterprises, providing for the vesting of their rights, but the ministries did not allow them to manage independently;
• laws on private activity, which made it possible for free entrepreneurs to emerge, but the private sector and cooperatives were heavily taxed;
• resolutions reflecting the sharp transition of enterprises to a market economy.

A group of scientists, led by Academician Shatalin and Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers Yavlinsky, developed a project that would allow the transition to a market economy within 500 days. The main contents of the project included:

• the opportunity to privatize state-owned industrial and commercial enterprises;
• the launch of inflation processes and the emergence of unemployment;
• uncontrolled rise in prices.

The plan was not approved by Gorbachev.

Results of perestroika - achievements and mistakes

If we talk briefly about the reasons for the failure of perestroika, we should note the following facts:

1. Reforms to develop agriculture began too late, were half-hearted and did not solve the food problem in the country.
2. Industrial production was reduced and sometimes closed.
3. The failure of reforms in the field of lending, centralization of the supply system and pricing policy further worsened the economic situation.
4. The emergence of the financial crisis was characterized by inflation - up to 30% monthly, an increase in foreign debts - up to 60 billion dollars, depletion of foreign exchange reserves and the gold reserves of the State Bank.
5. A free path was opened to the “black” market, and the shortage of goods became general.

Speaking about the historical significance of perestroika, its pros and cons, it is necessary to note it negative results, characterized by:

• the collapse of the USSR;
• interethnic conflicts;
• economic crisis;
• falling living standards of the population;
• growing social tension;
• weakening of the country's international position;
• decrease in defense capability.

Positive results include:

• gaining independence;
• the emergence of conditions for the exchange of a totalitarian regime for a democratic one, and the introduction of an economy on a market basis instead of an administrative economy;
• creating favorable conditions in foreign policy, leading to the strengthening of peace with other states and the end of the Cold War.

The intentions of Gorbachev’s team to take the country to a new level due to gross miscalculations led to the collapse of the country and a change in the fate of millions of Russian citizens.

Ministry of Education

Russian Federation

Vladimir State University

Department of Museology

Perestroika in the USSR 1985 -1991

Vinogradova E.N.

student of group KZI-108

Head: Mentova L.F.

Vladimir 2008

Introduction

1. The main reasons and goals of perestroika

1.1. Reasons for perestroika

1.2. "We are waiting for changes…"

1.3. Goals of Perestroika

2. Main events during the perestroika period

2.1. Chronology of events

2.1. Movements

3. Main reforms carried out during perestroika

3.1. Anti-alcohol reform

3.2. Personnel reforms in the government

3.3. Public and social reforms

3.4. Reforms in foreign policy

3.5. Reforms of the political system of the USSR

3.6.Economic reform

4. Crisis of power and collapse of the USSR

4.1. Two Presidents

4.2. Revolutionary turn in history

4.3. Collapse of the USSR and formation of the CIS

5. Results of perestroika

Bibliography

Introduction

For my essay, I chose the topic “Perestroika in the USSR 1985-1991.” This topic is close to me because I was born during the period of perestroika, and its events also affected my family. Perestroika is a very loud period in the history of the USSR. The policy of perestroika, initiated by part of the CPSU leadership led by Mikhail Gorbachev, led to significant changes in the life of the country and the world as a whole. During perestroika, problems that had been accumulating for decades were revealed, especially in the economic and interethnic sphere. Added to all this were mistakes and miscalculations made in the process of carrying out the reforms themselves. The political confrontation between the forces advocating the socialist path of development, parties and movements linking the future of the country with the organization of life on the principles of capitalism, as well as on issues of the future appearance of the Soviet Union, the relationship between the union and republican bodies of state power and administration, has sharply intensified. By the beginning of the 1990s, perestroika led to an aggravation of the crisis in all spheres of society and to the further collapse of the USSR. People's attitude towards this historical stage is ambivalent. Some believe that perestroika is a way out of the difficult situation of stagnation, that changes were necessary, whether bad or good, but it was necessary to change the system, its structure, and that changes could not be made due to the complex general state of affairs in international politics and in “domestic fronts." Another opinion on this matter is that perestroika is the destruction of the Soviet Union and nothing more, that the leaders were motivated by simple selfish considerations, and through all the rhetoric about the ineffectiveness of socialism, these selfish considerations were visible quite clearly. The initiators of perestroika wanted to put money in their pockets.

The main goal of my project is to try to prove that the consequences of perestroika are really the fruits of Gorbachev’s ill-conceived plans and the haste of his actions.

1. The main reasons and goals of perestroika

1.1. Reasons for perestroika

By the beginning of the 80s, the Soviet economic system had exhausted its possibilities for development and had gone beyond the boundaries of its historical time. Having carried out industrialization and urbanization, the command economy was unable to further carry out deep transformations covering all aspects of society. First of all, it turned out to be unable, in radically changed conditions, to ensure the proper development of the productive forces, protect human rights, and maintain the international authority of the country. The USSR, with its gigantic reserves of raw materials, hardworking and selfless population, lagged further and further behind the West. The Soviet economy was unable to cope with the increasing demands for variety and quality of consumer goods. Industrial enterprises not interested in scientific and technological progress rejected up to 80% of new technical solutions and inventions. The growing inefficiency of the economy had a negative impact on the country's defense capability. In the early 80s, the USSR began to lose competitiveness in the only industry in which it successfully competed with the West - in the field of military technology.

The country's economic base no longer corresponded to its position as a great world power and was in urgent need of renewal. At the same time, the enormous growth in the education and awareness of the people during the post-war period, the emergence of a generation that did not know hunger and repression, formed a higher level of material and spiritual needs of people, and called into question the very principles underlying the Soviet totalitarian system. The very idea of ​​a planned economy collapsed. Increasingly, state plans were not implemented and were constantly being redrawn, and the proportions in the sectors of the national economy were violated. Achievements in the field of health, education, and culture were lost.

The spontaneous degeneration of the system changed the entire way of life of Soviet society: the rights of managers and enterprises were redistributed, departmentalism and social inequality increased.

The nature of production relations within enterprises changed, labor discipline began to decline, apathy and indifference, theft, disrespect for honest work, and envy of those who earn more became widespread. At the same time, non-economic coercion to work remained in the country. The Soviet man, alienated from the distribution of the produced product, turned into a performer, working not out of conscience, but out of compulsion. The ideological motivation for work developed in the post-revolutionary years weakened along with the belief in the imminent triumph of communist ideals.

However, ultimately, completely different forces determined the direction and nature of reform of the Soviet system. They were predetermined by the economic interests of the nomenklatura, the Soviet ruling class.

Thus, by the beginning of the 80s, the Soviet totalitarian system actually lost the support of a significant part of society.

In conditions of monopoly domination in society by one party, the CPSU, and the presence of a powerful repressive apparatus, changes could only begin “from above.” The country's top leaders were clearly aware that the economy needed reform, but none of the conservative majority of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee wanted to take responsibility for implementing these changes.

Even the most urgent problems were not resolved in a timely manner. Instead of taking any measures to improve the economy, new forms of “socialist competition” were proposed. Enormous funds were diverted to numerous “construction projects of the century,” like the Baikal-Amur Mainline.

1.2. "We are waiting for changes…"

“We are waiting for change...” - these are the words from the song of the leader, popular in the 80s. Viktor Tsoi’s “Kino” groups reflected the mood of people in the first years of the “perestroika” policy.

In the early 80s, all layers of Soviet society, without exception, experienced psychological discomfort. An understanding of the need for profound changes was maturing in the public consciousness, but interest in them varied. As the Soviet intelligentsia grew in numbers and became more informed, it became increasingly difficult to accept the suppression of the free development of culture and the isolation of the country from the outside civilized world. She acutely felt the harmfulness of the nuclear confrontation with the West and the consequences of the Afghan war. The intelligentsia wanted true democracy and individual freedom.

Most workers and employees associated the need for change with better organization and remuneration, and a more equitable distribution of social wealth. Part of the peasantry expected to become the true masters of their land and their labor. Rally in Moscow on Manezhnaya Square. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, rallies of thousands were held in many cities of the USSR demanding reforms. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, rallies of thousands were held in many cities of the USSR demanding reforms.

Changes were awaited by a powerful layer of party and government officials and military personnel, concerned about the collapse of the state.

In their own way, technocrats and intelligentsia were interested in reforming the Soviet system. The coincidence in time of internal and external factors required a radical change in production conditions and management methods. Every day it became obvious: for change it is necessary to update the country's leadership.

Perestroika was proclaimed by the new General Secretary, 54-year-old M. S. Gorbachev, who took over the baton of power after the death of K.U. Chernenko in March 1985. Dressed elegantly and speaking “without a piece of paper,” the Secretary General gained popularity with his outward democracy and desire for change in a “stagnant” country and, of course, with promises (for example, each family was promised a separate comfortable apartment by the year 2000).

No one since the time of Khrushchev communicated with the people like this: Gorbachev traveled around the country, easily went out to people, talked in an informal setting with workers, collective farmers, and the intelligentsia. With the arrival of a new leader, inspired by plans for a breakthrough in the economy and restructuring the entire life of society, people's hopes and enthusiasm were revived.

A course was proclaimed to “accelerate” the country’s socio-economic development. With the election of Gorbachev to the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, the vicious tradition of recent years was finally interrupted. M.S. Gorbachev was elected because the ruling elite could not help but take into account public opinion, which was not officially recognized but actually existed.

1.3. Goals of Perestroika

The basis of economic programs was the acceleration strategy, that is, the use of all reserves to increase labor productivity. It was intended to concentrate resources to modernize production and significantly expand the production of machinery and equipment. However, there was no talk of creating new economic incentives to improve the performance of enterprises. It was planned to achieve the set goals by tightening labor discipline and increasing the responsibility of enterprise managers for economic violations. A system of state acceptance was introduced - non-departmental control over the quality of products. Born in 1931, M. S. Gorbachev belonged to the generation that called itself “children of the 20th Congress.” An educated man and an experienced party worker, Gorbachev continued the analysis of the state of the country begun by Andropov and the search for ways out of the current situation.

Various options for reform were discussed both in scientific circles and within the party apparatus. However, by 1985, a holistic concept of economic restructuring had not yet emerged. Most scientists and politicians were looking for a way out within the existing system: in transferring the national economy to the path of intensification, creating conditions for the introduction of scientific and technological advances. M.S. also adhered to this point of view at that time. Gorbachev.

Thus, in order to strengthen the country’s position in the international arena and improve the living conditions of the population, the country really needed an intensive, highly developed economy. Already the first speeches of the new General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee showed his determination to begin renovating the country.

2. Main events:

2.1. Chronology of events

2.2. Movements

In the USSR, imitation of the West is becoming very popular, and new informal movements are emerging that find a wide response among people. Among such groups that originated in the Soviet Union are “Kino”, “Aquarium”, “Alisa”, “Zoo”, the first punk group “AU”, also performer A. Bashlachev, better known as Sash-Bash. And the Ministry of Culture immediately puts them on the black list of prohibited groups. In addition, many films in the USSR go on the shelf. But the more they are banned, the more popular they become. Particularly relevant was V. Tsoi’s album “The Head of Kamchatka” and the song from this album “The Trolleybus That Goes East,” which tells about a trolleybus with a rusty engine that drags everyone away from the west.

In 1986, the album “Red Wave” was released in a circulation of 10,000 copies, consisting of two records on which four underground groups of the USSR were recorded. “Cinema” takes up an entire side, ending with the song “Trolleybus”. One copy of the album was personally sent to the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee M. Gorbachev.

On August 15, 1990, V. Tsoi mysteriously dies in a car accident. A year later, the August coup occurs, during which a two-day music marathon “Rock on the Barricades” is held. Yeltsin would later award the musicians with medals for their services during the August putsch. At this point, criminal case No. 480 about the accident involving Tsoi V.R. will be closed. According to officials, he fell asleep and lost control. The driver of Ikarus will confirm this, and two months later the driver will be killed under unknown circumstances.

In general, the government did not support imitation of Western culture. Here is an excerpt from the memoirs of A. Rybin, the lead singer of the group “Garin and the Hyperboloids” about the Beatles concert: “Behind the crowd, a Zhiguli car with a blue stripe on the body and a white inscription “Police” was driving slowly from nowhere. Having driven about fifty meters behind the walking Beatlemaniacs, the car said in a stern male voice:

Stop singing immediately!

The crowd laughed. Tsoi and I both smiled - this car made such crazy demands.

Stop singing immediately, I said! - said the car, describing

arc on the right flank of the crowd, driving onto the lawn.

Of course, no one stopped singing - on the contrary, they screamed even louder - this hatred or, perhaps, fear of the rock and roll of a small police car was painfully funny.

I order everyone to disperse!!! - the enraged car screamed.

Twist and Shout! - they shouted in the crowd.

I repeat - everyone disperse immediately!

Even if those walking in the crowd had such a desire, there was nowhere to disperse - everyone seemed to be leaving anyway. We walked to the metro, there was only one road in this direction. But no one had the desire to go somewhere else - why, exactly, and where? Tsoi and I stood at the door of Yubileiny, looked at all this and chuckled, but we laughed, though not for long.

GET OFF THE BUS AND START WORK! I ORDER YOU TO WORK HARD, FAST, EXACTLY AS YOU TAUGHT!

From two buses lost in the parking lot near the Sports Palace, people in blue shirts began to pour onto the lawn. They were dressed like ordinary policemen, but they were distinguished by remarkable agility and ability to fight, as we saw a few seconds later.

Most of those walking in the crowd did not pay attention to the last order and did not see this attack - the police, or rather, some special soldiers were approaching them from behind, from behind. Hand-to-hand combat professionals were running towards them, but now, when the back rows fell onto the lawn under

blows to the back, panic began and, knocking each other over, the Beatlemaniacs rushed onto the roadway. The fighters chased them, kicking those already lying along the road, and overtook those running, knocking them down with blows to the back, to the back of the head, to the knees, to the kidneys... Two police cars, who had probably been there for the time being, flew out of the alley to meet the distraught Beatlemaniacs. time in ambush. It’s good, at least no one got run over - the cars crashed straight into the crowd, wedging it into three liquid streams. Some were already being dragged to the buses, apparently those who tried to defend the HONOR AND DIGNITY OF THE SOVIET CITIZEN, as the police themselves said when drawing up the protocol.”

3. Major reforms

3.1. Anti-alcohol reform

The initial stage of the activities of the new leadership of the country headed by M.S. Gorbachev is characterized by an attempt to modernize socialism, to abandon not the system, but its most absurd and cruel aspects. The talk was about accelerating the country's socio-economic development. At this time, the concept of restructuring the economic mechanism was put forward, which was to expand the rights of enterprises, their independence, introduce cost accounting, and increase the interest of labor collectives in the final result of their work. In order to improve the quality of products, state acceptance was introduced. Elections of enterprise leaders began to be held.

The initial idea of ​​the reform was very positive - to reduce the amount of alcohol consumed per capita in the country, to begin the fight against drunkenness. But as a result of too radical actions, Gorbachev's anti-alcohol campaign and the subsequent abandonment of the state monopoly led to the fact that most of the income went into the shadow sector.

In the 90s, a lot of start-up capital was amassed by private owners using “drunk” money. The treasury was rapidly emptying. The most valuable vineyards were cut down, resulting in the disappearance of entire sectors of industry in some republics of the USSR, for example in Georgia. The growth of drug addiction, substance abuse and moonshine, as well as multi-billion dollar budget losses.

3.2. Personnel reforms in the government

In October 1985, N.I. was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Ryzhkov. In December 1985, B.N. became secretary of the Moscow city party committee. Yeltsin. E.A. became Minister of Foreign Affairs instead of Gromyko. Shevardnadze. A.N. was promoted to the highest party hierarchy. Yakovlev and A.I. Lukyanov. In fact, 90% of the old Brezhnev apparatus was replaced by new personnel. Almost the entire composition of the Presidium of the Council of Ministers of the USSR was replaced.

3.3. Public and social reforms

At this time, the general democratization of life in the country began. Political persecution stopped. The pressure of censorship has weakened. Such prominent people as Sakharov, Marchenko, etc. returned from prisons and exile. The policy of glasnost, launched by the new Soviet leadership, dramatically changed the spiritual life of people. Interest in print media, radio, and television has increased. In 1986 alone, newspapers and magazines acquired more than 14 million new readers. The policy of glasnost paved the way for genuine freedom of speech, press, and thought, which became possible only after the collapse of the communist regime.

Soviet society was swept by the process of democratization. In the ideological sphere, Gorbachev put forward the slogan of glasnost. This meant that no events of the past or present should be hidden from the people. Glasnost is the key word of perestroika; it allowed the dumb masses to say whatever they wanted, to criticize anyone, including and especially Gorbachev himself - the man who gave them freedom.

3.4. Reforms in foreign policy

During the meeting M.S. Gorbachev with US President Ronald Reagan in November 1985, the parties recognized the need to improve Soviet-American relations and improve the international situation as a whole. START 1 and 2 treaties were concluded. Statement dated January 15, 1986 by M.S. Gorbachev put forward a number of major foreign policy initiatives:

Complete elimination of nuclear and chemical weapons by the year 2000.

Strict control over the storage of nuclear weapons and their destruction at liquidation sites.

The USSR abandoned the confrontation with the West and proposed ending the Cold War. In 1990, Gorbachev received the Nobel Peace Prize for his contribution to easing international tensions. During his visit to India, the Delhi Declaration on Principles of a Nuclear-Free and Non-Violent World was signed.

3.5. Reforms of the political system of the USSR

The struggle for political reform and methods for its implementation unfolded at the 19th All-Union Party Conference in the summer of 1988. By this time, opponents of perestroika had become more active. Back in March 1988, in the newspaper of the CPSU Central Committee “Soviet Russia”, an article by Nina Andreeva, a teacher at one of the Leningrad universities, “I can’t give up principles,” was directed against democratic reforms, calling back to

Lenin and Stalin. At the congress there were also attempts by conservatives to change the opinion of the majority of delegates in their favor, but they came to nothing. On December 1, the Supreme Council of the USSR adopted 2 laws “On Amendments and Additions to the Constitution of the USSR” and “On the Election of People’s Deputies of the USSR.” According to the first of them, the highest authority becomes

Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, consisting of 2,250 deputies. The meeting was to be held once a year. It elected the Supreme Council of the USSR. The second law determined the procedure for electing people's deputies of the USSR. The new laws had many shortcomings, but were a significant step forward towards liberation from totalitarianism and the one-party system. On March 26, 1989, elections of people's deputies of the USSR were held. In May - June 1989, the 1st Congress of People's Deputies began its work. It included the Interregional Deputy Group (Sakharov, Sobchak, Afanasyev, Popov, Starovoitova), the “Union” Deputy Group (Blokhin, Kogan, Petrushenko, Alksnis), the “Life” Deputy Group and others.

The final stage in the sphere of reforms of the political system can be called the Third Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, at which Gorbachev was elected President of the USSR, and some amendments were made to the Constitution.

3.6. Economic reform

By mid-1990 The Soviet leadership decided to introduce private ownership of the means of production. The dismantling of the foundations of socialism began. The President was proposed several economic programs for the transition to a market economy. The most famous of them was a program called “500 days”, created under the leadership of the young scientist G. Yavlinsky. The USSR government also proposed its own program. The programs differed mainly in their degree of radicalization and determination. 500 days were aimed at a quick and decisive transition to the market, the bold introduction of various forms of ownership. The government program, without denying the need for a transition to market relations, sought to stretch out this process for a long time, to leave a significant public sector in the economy, and pervasive control over it by central bureaucratic bodies.

The President gave preference to the government program. Its implementation began in January 1991 with the exchange of 50 and 100 ruble bills in order to withdraw money acquired illegally from the point of view of the authorities, as well as to reduce the pressure of the money supply on the consumer market. The exchange took place in a short time. There were huge, hours-long queues at the savings banks. People had to prove the legitimacy of their savings. Instead of the planned 20 billion rubles, the government received only 10 billion rubles from this operation. On April 2, 1991, prices for food products, transport, and utilities were increased 2-4 times. There was a decline in the living standards of the population. According to the UN, by mid-1991 the USSR ranked 82nd in the world in this indicator. The official decision of the Soviet leadership to transition to a market economy allowed the most enterprising and energetic people to create the country's first legal private enterprises, trade and commodity exchanges. A layer of entrepreneurs appeared in the country and began to realize their potential, although existing laws did not allow them to expand their activities in the production of goods. The bulk of private capital found its application in the sphere of trade and money circulation. The process of privatization of enterprises was extremely slow. On top of everything, there was the emergence of unemployment, crime, and racketeering. By the end of 1991, the USSR economy found itself in a catastrophic situation. The decline in production accelerated. National income decreased by 20% compared to 1990. The state budget deficit, i.e. the excess of government expenditures over revenues, amounted, according to various estimates, from 20% to 30% of gross domestic product (GDP). The increase in the money supply in the country threatened the loss of state control over the financial system and hyperinflation, that is, inflation of over 50% per month, which could paralyze the entire economy. Economic failures increasingly undermined the position of communist reformers led by Gorbachev.

We can conclude that as a result of his reforms, the world has changed dramatically and will never be the same again. It is impossible to do this without courage and political will. Mikhail Gorbachev can be viewed in different ways, but there is no doubt that he is one of the largest figures in history.

4. Crisis of power

4.1. Two Presidents

In the fall of 1990, Gorbachev, elected by the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, was forced to reorganize government bodies. Executive bodies now began to report directly to the president. A new advisory body was established - the Federation Council, whose members were the heads of the union republics. The development and approval, which proceeded with great difficulty, of a draft of a new union treaty between the republics of the USSR began.

In March 1991, the first referendum in the country's history was held - citizens of the USSR had to express their opinion on the issue of preserving the Soviet Union as a renewed federation of equal and sovereign republics. It is significant that 6 out of 15 union states (Armenia, Georgia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Moldova) did not take part in the referendum. But 76% of those voting were in favor of preserving the Union. At the same time, an All-Russian referendum was held - the majority of its participants voted for the introduction of the post of president of the republic.

On June 12, 1991, nationwide presidential elections took place. It became B. Yeltsin. After these elections, Moscow turned into the capital of two presidents - the all-Union and the Russian. It was difficult to reconcile the positions of the two leaders, and the personal relations between them were not mutually favorable.

Both advocated reforms, but at the same time had different views on the goals and paths of change. Gorbachev relied on the Communist Party, and Yeltsin relied on forces in opposition to the CPSU. In July 1991, Yeltsin signed a decree banning the activities of party organizations in state enterprises and institutions. The events unfolding in the country indicated that the process of weakening the power of the CPSU and the collapse of the Soviet Union was becoming irreversible.

Representatives of the party and state leadership, who believed that only decisive actions would help preserve the political positions of the CPSU and stop the collapse of the Soviet Union, resorted to forceful methods. They decided to take advantage of the absence of the USSR President in Moscow, who was on vacation in Crimea.

Early in the morning of August 19, television and radio informed citizens that due to Gorbachev’s illness, the execution of duties was temporarily entrusted to Vice President Yanaev and that “to govern the country and effectively implement the state of emergency” a state emergency committee had been formed. This committee included 8 people. Gorbachev found himself isolated at the state dacha. Military units and tanks were brought into Moscow, and a curfew was declared.

The center of resistance to the State Emergency Committee became the House of Soviets of the RSFSR, the so-called White House. In an address to Russian citizens, President Yeltsin and acting chairman of the Supreme Council Khasbulatov called on the population not to obey the illegal decisions of the Emergency Committee, qualifying its actions as an anti-constitutional coup. Tens of thousands of capital residents expressed support for Yeltsin.

Fearing the outbreak of a civil war, Yanaev and his comrades did not dare to storm the House of Soviets. They began withdrawing troops from Moscow and flew to Crimea in the hope of reaching an agreement with Gorbachev, but the President of the USSR had already returned to Moscow along with Vice President Rutsky, who had flown in “to the rescue.” Members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested. Yeltsin signed decrees to suspend the activities of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR and the publication of communist-oriented newspapers. Gorbachev announced his resignation as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, and then issued decrees that effectively terminated the activities of the party and transferred its property to the ownership of the state.

4.3. Collapse of the USSR and formation of the CIS

The last months of 1991 became the time of the final collapse of the USSR. The Congress of People's Deputies was dissolved, the Supreme Council was radically reformed, and most of the Union ministries were liquidated. The highest body was the State Council of the USSR, which included the President of the USSR and the heads of the union republics. The first decision of the State Council was the recognition of the independence of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. On March 11, 1990, Lithuania was the first of the union republics to declare independence and secede from the Soviet Union. On December 1, a referendum was held in Ukraine, and the majority spoke in favor of the independence of the republic. On December 7-8, 1991, the presidents of Russia and Ukraine Yeltsin and Kravchuk and the chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus Shushkevich, meeting in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, announced the end of the existence of the USSR and the formation of the three republics of the Commonwealth of Independent States of the CIS. Subsequently, the CIS included all the former republics of the USSR, with the exception of the Baltic ones.

So, perestroika reached a dead end, which led the government to a crisis. As a result, the USSR collapsed, and Gorbachev, being in a hopeless situation, easily avoided the answer by simply relinquishing his presidential powers, because the USSR no longer existed.

5. Results of perestroika

During the years of “perestroika”, surprisingly little was done to actually reform the economic mechanism. The laws adopted by the Union leadership expanded the rights of enterprises, allowed small private and cooperative entrepreneurship, but did not affect the fundamental foundations of the command-distribution economy. The paralysis of the central government and, as a consequence, the weakening of state control over the national economy, the progressive disintegration of production ties between enterprises of different union republics, the increased autocracy of directors, the short-sighted policy of artificial growth of incomes of the population, as well as other populist measures in the economy - all this led to an increase in during 1990 - 1991 economic crisis in the country. The destruction of the old economic system was not accompanied by the emergence of a new one in its place. This task had to be solved by the new Russia.

The process of forming a free democratic society, successfully begun by “perestroika,” had to be continued. The country already had real freedom of speech, which grew out of the “glasnost” policy, a multi-party system was taking shape, elections were held on an alternative basis (from several candidates), and a formally independent press appeared. But the predominant position of one party remained - the CPSU, which actually merged with the state apparatus. The Soviet form of organization of state power did not provide a generally recognized separation of powers into legislative, executive and judicial branches. It was necessary to reform the country's state-political system, which turned out to be quite within the capabilities of the new Russian leadership.

By the end of 1991, the USSR economy found itself in a catastrophic situation. The decline in production accelerated. National income decreased by 20% compared to 1990. The state budget deficit, i.e. the excess of government expenditures over revenues, amounted, according to various estimates, from 20% to 30% of gross domestic product (GDP). The increase in the money supply in the country threatened the loss of state control over the financial system and hyperinflation, that is, inflation of over 50% per month, which could paralyze the entire economy.

The accelerated growth of wages and benefits, which began in 1989, increased pent-up demand; by the end of the year, most goods disappeared from state trade, but were sold at exorbitant prices in commercial stores and on the “black market.” During the period from 1985 to 1991, retail prices almost tripled; government price controls could not stop inflation. Unexpected interruptions in the supply of various consumer goods to the population caused “crises” (tobacco, sugar, vodka) and huge queues. A standardized distribution of many products (based on coupons) was introduced. People were afraid of possible famine.

Serious doubts arose among Western creditors about the solvency of the USSR. The total external debt of the Soviet Union by the end of 1991 was more than $100 billion; taking into account mutual debts, the net debt of the USSR in convertible currency in real terms was estimated at about $60 billion. Until 1989, 25-30% of the amount of Soviet exports in convertible currency was spent on servicing external debt (repaying interest, etc.), but then, due to a sharp drop in oil exports, the Soviet Union had to sell gold reserves to purchase the missing currency. By the end of 1991, the USSR could no longer fulfill its international obligations to service its external debt. Economic reform became inevitable and vital.

Among the many accusations that were brought against Gorbachev, perhaps the most important one was indecision. The policy of perestroika, initiated by part of the CPSU leadership led by Mikhail Gorbachev, led to significant changes in the life of the country and the world as a whole.

During perestroika, problems that had been accumulating for decades were revealed, especially in the economic and interethnic sphere. Added to this were mistakes and miscalculations made in the process of implementing the reforms themselves. The political confrontation between the forces advocating the socialist path of development and parties and movements linking the future of the country with the organization of life on the principles of capitalism, as well as on issues of the future appearance of the Soviet Union, the relationship between the union and republican bodies of state power and administration, has sharply intensified.

By the beginning of the 1990s, perestroika led to an aggravation of the crisis in all spheres of society and to the collapse of the USSR.

conclusions

In terms of the scale of the changes it caused in Europe and throughout the world, perestroika is rightly compared with such historical events as the Great French Revolution or October 1917 in Russia.

M. S. Gorbachev announced the need to break out of stagnation and began the process of “perestroika.” Perestroika led to significant changes in the life of the country and the world as a whole (glasnost, political pluralism, the end of the Cold War). During perestroika, numerous facts of the monstrous crimes of the Stalinist regime were made public. In memory of the mass repressions of Soviet people near Magadan in the 1990s. a monument created by the famous sculptor Ernest Neizvestny was erected. In April 1986, an explosion occurred at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant, leading to a colossal environmental disaster.

Gorbachev was one of the first in the Soviet party leadership to realize the need for global changes in the life of the country, but he had a rather vague idea of ​​how to implement them, how to reform the huge, unwieldy colossus called the Soviet Union, so many of his undertakings were doomed.

Following the political collapse of the Soviet empire, the collapse of the single economic space of the once united country began.

Some modern scholars argue that perestroika was largely a property grab by the Soviet bureaucratic elite, or nomenklatura, who were more interested in "privatizing" the state's vast fortune in 1991 than in preserving it. The fact is that the Soviet elite actually had a pittance compared to what the elite of the poor banana republics have, and compared to what the elite of developed countries owns. Therefore, already in Khrushchev’s times, part of the elite set a course for changing the Soviet system. They were supported by the shadow government. Their goal is to transform from managers into owners of state property. To talk about the collapse of reforms means to mislead people. No one planned to create any free market economy.

Other researchers believe that it was not the bureaucratic elite, but the mafia part of the domestic secret service and national elites with the support of the intelligentsia (some researchers here see similarities with the Great French Revolution).

The ideologists of perestroika themselves, who are already retired, have repeatedly stated that perestroika did not have any clear ideological basis. However, some activities dating back to at least 1987 cast doubt on this view. While at the initial stage the official slogan remained the common expression “more socialism,” a latent change in the legislative framework in the economy began, which threatened to undermine the functioning of the previous planned system: the actual abolition of the state monopoly on foreign economic activity, a revision of the approach to the relationship between government bodies and production enterprises. One of the turning points in the economic program of “perestroika” can also be considered the USSR Law “On Cooperation” of May 26, 1988, which directly stated that “revenue in foreign currency received by cooperatives ... is not subject to withdrawal and can be accumulated for use in subsequent years." This marked a fundamental break with previous Soviet practice, in the same year the concept of “radical economic reform” appeared, and contradicted many previous laws and regulations, the mass repeal of which began around the same time.

It is difficult to call a steady change in the legislative framework in one direction random. But at that time, it was still very problematic to openly announce one’s plans to the population, since the “equalist psychology” and the “soviet worldview” remained almost universal, so a little later this period, a coordinated, multifaceted and consistent campaign began to discredit all aspects of life in the USSR. The line of constructive criticism was easily crossed. Basically, it consisted of numerous revealing publications in the most popular or serious Soviet publications of that time, which can be briefly described by the phrase “you can’t live like this,” whipping up ridiculous and irrational fears by voicing them in authoritative sources (for example, the frankly delusional “theory” that The Black Sea is about to explode due to the presence of hydrogen sulfide in it). All the largest social institutions and subsystems of the Soviet Union, one after another, were subjected to devastating, often unfair criticism (“Aviation destroys its own in Afghanistan at the slightest attempt to encircle”, “the Soviet police are the most cruel and corrupt in the world”, the scandal with syringes in Elista, when “they infected » several dozen newborns, who, as it later turned out, were already infected, housing and communal services, bureaucracy, etc.). Much of the strength of these publications lay in the authority of the source, their irrefutable nature, and their long-term dominance in the information space.

Noteworthy is not only the fact that the generation of Russians who grew up and socialized in the post-Gorbachev era assesses perestroika significantly more positively than the generation of their fathers and grandfathers. The younger the respondents, the fewer among them there are those who believe that starting perestroika was a mistake.

Nevertheless, Gorbachev's merits as a statesman and political figure are undeniable. Gorbachev was the first and last president of the USSR.

List of used literature

1. Materials of the April Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. M., Politizdat, 1985.

2. F. Burlatsky “Notes of a Contemporary”, M., 1989.

3. Resolution of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Supreme Soviet of the USSR “On strengthening

fight against drunkenness and alcoholism", M., 1985.

4. Materials of the January Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. M., Politizdat, 1987.

6. USSR Law “On Cooperatives”, M., 1986.

7. History of Russia and its neighbors, Avanta plus, 1999.

8. Yegor Gaidar “State and Evolution”, 1998.

9. Mikhail Geller “Seventh Secretary: 1985-1990”

10. Mikhail Geller “Russia at a crossroads: 1990-1995”

11. N.V. Zagladin “History of the Fatherland”, M., Russian Word, 2003.

12. O.V. Volobuev “Russia and the World”, M., Bustard, 2005.

November 1982-February 1984– Yu.V. becomes the leader of the country and the party. Andropov.

February 1984– Death of Yu.V. Andropova.

February 1984 - March 10, 1985– K.U. Chernenko becomes the leader of the party and the country.

11th of March 1985 – Extraordinary Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. Election of M. S. Gorbachev as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

23 April 1985- Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. Proclamation of a course for restructuring and accelerating the socio-economic development of the country.

June–December 1985– A. A. Gromyko was elected to the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

– E. A. Shevardnadze was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the KSR.

– N.I. Ryzhkov was appointed Chairman of the Council Ministers of the USSR.

– Election of B. N. Yeltsin as the first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU.

25 February-March, 6 1986– Adoption by the XXVII Congress of the CPSU of a new edition of the Party Program and Party Charter.

December 161986– Permission for Academician A.D. Sakharov to return from Gorky, where he was in forced exile, being one of the leaders of the dissident movement.

January 1987– The plenum of the CPSU Central Committee proclaimed the policy of “glasnost”.

June 1987– Adoption by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of the Law on nationwide discussion of important issues of state life.

July 6 1987– Demonstration in Moscow on Red Square of Crimean Tatars demanding the restoration of their autonomy.

October 21 1987- B. N. Yeltsin at the plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. announced his resignation from the post of First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU and a candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee.

November 2 1987– Speech by M. S. Gorbachev with a report at a ceremonial meeting in honor of the 70th anniversary of the October Revolution, in which many assessments of Soviet history were revised and sharp criticism of Stalinism was renewed.

11 November 1987– The plenum of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU removed B. N. Yeltsin from the post of first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU.

12 February 1988– Start of rallies for reunification with Armenia in Nagorno-Karabakh.

February 27-29 1988– Pogroms and massacres of Armenians in Sumgait (Azerbaijan). The beginning of open interethnic conflicts on the territory of the USSR.

13 Martha 1988– Publication in the newspaper “Soviet Russia” of N. Andreeva’s article “I Can’t Give Up Principles,” which became a kind of ideological manifesto of opponents of democratization and glasnost and essentially defended the ideology of Stalinism.

5th of April 1988– N. Andreeva’s rebuke in the newspaper “Pravda” about the unchanged course towards perestroika.

February-June1988– Rehabilitation by the Supreme Court of the USSR of illegally convicted leaders of the Bolshevik Party: N. I. Bukharin, A. I. Rykov, Kh. G. Rakovsky, G. E. Zinoviev, L. B. Kamenev, Yu. I. Pyatakov, K. B. Radek.

June 28 - July 1 1988– XIX All-Union Conference of the CPSU, decisions were made on the reform of the political system, on the democratization of Soviet society, on the fight against bureaucracy, on interethnic relations, on openness and legal reform.

October 1 1988– Election of M. S. Gorbachev at a meeting of the Supreme Council as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

December 1 1988– The Supreme Soviet of the USSR approved amendments to the Constitution and a new Election Law. This marked the beginning of reform of the political system.

26 March-April 9 1989– The first alternative elections of people's deputies of the USSR based on the new democratic electoral system.

April 4-9 1989– A rally at the Government House in Tbilisi demanding the elimination of autonomies within Georgia and its withdrawal from the USSR. Dispersal of protesters by troops. Civilian casualties (19 dead, hundreds wounded).

May 24 - July 9 1989– I Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. Election of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR from among the deputies of the congress and its transformation into a permanent parliament. Election of M. S. Gorbachev as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

July 301989– Formation of the Interregional Deputy Group consisting of 338 deputies of the USSR. They advocated accelerating the reform process in the country. Leaders - Yu. N. Afanasyev, B. N. Yeltsin, A. D. Sakharov, G. X. Popov.

19-20 September1989– Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee on national problems.

January 2, 1990– The beginning of hostilities between Azerbaijan and Armenia in Nagorno-Karabakh.

11 March 1990– The Parliament of Lithuania decides to restore the independence of the republic.

March 12-15, 1990– III Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. A decision was made to abolish Article 6 of the USSR Constitution, which established the leading and guiding role of the CPSU in Soviet society. In accordance with the amendments to the Constitution, the post of President of the USSR was established, to which M. S. Gorbachev was elected on March 14. A. I. Lukyanov becomes the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

March 30, 1990– The Estonian parliament votes to restore the independence of the republic.

4 May 1990– The Latvian parliament decides on the independence of the republic.

May 14, 1990– Decree of the President of the USSR on invalidating the declarations of independence of the Baltic republics.

16 May 1990– I Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR.

12 June 1990– Election of B.N. Yeltsin as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. Adoption of the Declaration of State Sovereignty of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic.

June 20-23 1990– Founding Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. Its leader was I.K. Polozkov.

July 2-13 1990– XXVIII Congress of the CPSU. Creation of factions while maintaining the principle of democratic centralism. M. S. Gorbachev was again elected General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

16 July 1990– Proclamation of the sovereignty of Ukraine by the Supreme Council of the Republic.

17 November 1990– Reorganization of the highest bodies of state power. Formation of the Federation Council consisting of the leaders of the union republics.

December 17-27 1990– IV Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. Deepening the reform of the political system. Reorganization of the executive branch. Formation of the Cabinet of Ministers under the President of the USSR. Introduction of the post of vice president.

March 17 1991– The first referendum in the history of the country on the issue of preserving the USSR.

April 23 1991– Novo-Ogarevo meeting of the President of the USSR and the leaders of nine union republics on the conditions for preserving the USSR.

1991– Based on the results of the city referendum, the historical name of St. Petersburg was returned to Leningrad.

24 August 1991– M. S. Gorbachev resigned from the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and appealed to the Central Committee for self-dissolution.

September 2-5 1991– V Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. Recognition of the independence of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia. A joint statement by M. S. Gorbachev and the top leaders of 10 union republics with a proposal to form a union like a confederation, the form of participation in which each sovereign republic determines independently.

28 October - November 13 1991– V Congress of People's Deputies. Approval of the basic principles of economic reform.

November 6 1991– Decree of B. N. Yeltsin on the prohibition of activities on the territory of the RSFSR of the CPSU and the dissolution of party structures.

December 8 1991– Signing in Belovezhskaya Pushcha near Minsk an agreement on the creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) by the leaders of Belarus (V. Shushkevich), Russia (B. Yeltsin), Ukraine (L. Kravchuk) and the dissolution of the USSR.

21 December 1991– Meeting of heads of state in Almaty and accession of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan to the CIS. Adoption of the Declaration on the Termination of the USSR.

December 25 1991– Official statement by M. S. Gorbachev about his resignation from the post of President of the USSR. The end of perestroika.

Economic development

April 23 1985– Adoption by the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee of a course to accelerate the socio-economic development of the country.

May 7 1985– Resolution of the Council of Ministers of the USSR on measures to eradicate drunkenness and alcoholism. The beginning of the anti-alcohol campaign.

November 19 1985– Adoption of the USSR Law on Individual Labor Activity.

13th of January 1987 G.– Adoption by the highest government bodies of the principles of creating joint ventures in the USSR with the participation of foreign capital.

February 5th 1987 G.– Decisions on the creation of cooperatives in the production of consumer goods, public catering and services.

June 25-26 1987 G.– The Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee approved the “Basic provisions for a radical restructuring of economic management” and approved the USSR Law “On State Enterprise (Association).” It was planned to introduce self-government principles in the management of enterprises and transfer them to full self-accounting, a radical change in planning, etc.

May 24 1990– Presentation by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers I. Ryzhkov to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of a plan for a phased transition to a regulated market economy. The beginning of panic in the consumer market and, as a consequence, the introduction of regulatory distribution of basic food products.

June 11 1990– Miners’ strikes in the Donbass demanding the resignation of the government of N. I. Ryzhkov and the nationalization of the property of the CPSU.

August 30 1990– Beginning of discussion in parliament of various programs for the transition to the market. (Government program of I. Abalkin - N. I. Ryzhkov and “500 days” of S. S. Shatalin - G. A. Yavlinsky.) None of the options received full support.

October 19 1990– The Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopts the “Main Directions for Stabilizing the National Economy and the Transition to a Market Economy.”

23 November 1990– The Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopted laws on land reform and on peasant (farmer) farming.

2 April1991– Government implementation of retail price reform for essential goods.

October1991– Speech by B. N. Yeltsin at the V Congress of People's Deputies of Russia with a program of economic reforms.

November1991– Creation of the Government of the Russian Federation, appointment of E. T. Gaidar as vice president for economic policy.

3 December1991– Decree of the President of the Russian Federation B. N. Yeltsin “On measures to liberalize prices.”

Foreign policy

Perestroika in the USSR: causes, characteristics and results.
Perestroika is a name that is used to refer to a huge number of reforms in the Soviet Union, primarily in the political, economic and social spheres. Perestroika began during Gorbachev's reign in the second half of the eighties and lasted until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 year. The date of the beginning of Perestroika is considered to be 1987 the year when this reform program was declared a new state ideology.

Reasons for Perestroika.
Before the start of Perestroika, the Soviet Union was already experiencing deepest economic crisis, which was also joined by political and social crises. The situation in the huge state was very difficult - the people demanded changes. The state demanded radical changes in all spheres of life that existed.

Unrest began in the country after people learned about life abroad. They were frankly shocked when they saw that the state in other countries controls all spheres of life of the population: everyone is free to wear whatever they want, listen to any music, eat not according to certain portions, but as far as their means allow, and the like.

In addition, people were very angry because the stores began to have problems with essential goods and various equipment. The state drove the budget into negative territory and could no longer produce the required amount of products on time.

In addition to this, we can add problems with industry and the agricultural sector: all enterprises have long been outdated, as well as technology. The goods produced were already of such low quality that no one wanted to buy them. The USSR gradually began to turn into a raw materials state. But back in the middle of the century, the Union was one of the most developed countries in the world, with a powerful economy.
IN 1985 Gorbachev came to power in 2009, highlighting the need for global reforms that could at least try to save the country from the collapse that had been brewing for quite some time.

All of the above could not remain so for too long, the country demanded changes, and they began. Although it was too late to change anything, disintegration was still inevitable.

Characteristics.
Gorbachev envisaged measures of complete technological "rearmament" in all obsolete enterprises, especially in heavy industry. He also planned to seriously enhance the effectiveness of the human factor by making from working specially trained specialists. In order for enterprises to generate even greater profits, they had to be controlled by the state.
What Gorbachev really managed to reform was the sphere of the state’s foreign policy. We are talking about relations, first of all, from the United States with which the USSR has had a deep economic, political, cultural and ideological confrontation for several decades - the so-called "Cold War".

In order to effectively conduct such a fight on all fronts, the USSR spent huge amounts of money; only 25% of the entire state budget was required to be spent on maintaining the army, but this huge money was very much needed for other needs. Having rid the USSR of such an enemy as the USA, Gorbachev was able to transfer funds to reorganize other spheres of state life.

As a result "politics of the world" with the West relations between the two states began to improve and the two peoples stopped looking at each other as an enemy.

Returning to the deep economic crisis, it should be noted that the Soviet leadership did not fully realize how deep it was - the situation was truly catastrophic. Unemployment began to grow in the country and, in addition, among the male population, drunkenness global scale. The state tried in every possible way to combat drunkenness through unemployment, but there was no particular success.

The Communist Party was losing its influence and authority among the people with each passing day. Liberal views began to actively emerge, eager to completely sweep away the government and rebuild the state according to a new type, because such communism was simply not feasible.

To calm the population a little, there was Every citizen is allowed to speak about his political views, although previously this was catastrophically prohibited - for this under Stalin they could not only be put in the Gulag, but shot. Previously inaccessible literature has now become publicly available - books by foreign authors previously banned by the party began to be imported into the country.

At the first stages, changes in the economy took place with little success; the country actually began to produce more quality products, but by 1988 This policy has exhausted itself. Then it became clear that nothing could be changed, the collapse of communism was inevitable and the USSR would soon cease to exist.

Results of Perestroika.
Despite the fact that Perestroika was not able to change the situation in the Union so that it continued to exist, a number of important changes did occur and they should be noted.
The victims of Stalinism were completely rehabilitated;
Freedom of speech and political views appeared in the country, strict censorship was removed, including on literature;
The one-party system was abandoned;
There is now the possibility of free exit/entry from/to the country;
Students no longer serve in the military while in training;
Women are no longer sent to prison for cheating on their husbands;
The state gave permission for rock music in the country;
The Cold War has ended.

These were positive results of Perestroika, but there were many more negative results. Among the most important, economic ones should be noted.
The gold and foreign exchange reserves of the USSR decreased by about 10 times, which led to such a phenomenon as hyperinflation;
The international debt of the USSR increased at least three times;
The pace of economic development dropped to almost zero - the country simply froze.