Ideology is the most important function of the Communist Party. Types of Political Ideologies Various Definitions of Communism

FEDERAL AGENCY FOR EDUCATION

STATE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION

HIGHER PROFESSIONAL EDUCATION

"MOSCOW AVIATION INSTITUTE"

(STATE TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY)

"MAI"

UNIVERSITY OF THE FOREIGN LANGUAGES

Department I-04

"Public Relations and Mass Communications"

ESSAY

"POLITICAL PARTY OF THE CPRF"

Student group 104

Pavlova O.N.

checked

assistant Evsyukov I.S.

Introduction 3

Functions of political parties 4

KPRF 5

Ideology 5

Party structure 5

Party and Media 8

Finances of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation 8

Leader biography 9

CONCLUSION 11

LITERATURE 12

Introduction

Political parties are an integral part of the political system of a modern democratic society. Etymologically, “party” means “part”, “separateness”, an element of the political system.

THE CONSIGNMENT is a political public organization that fights for power or for participation in the exercise of power. Political Party is an organization of like-minded people representing the interests of citizens, social groups and classes and aiming to implement them by conquering state power or participating in its implementation. The rivalry of political groups, united around influential families or popular leaders, has been a characteristic, essential feature of political history for many centuries. But such organizations, which we call political parties, arose in Europe and in the USA at the beginning of the 19th century.

There are many approaches to defining the essence of political parties: understanding a party as a group of people adhering to one ideological doctrine (B. Konstan.); interpretation of a political party as a spokesman for the interests of certain classes (Marxism); institutional understanding of a political party as an organization operating in the state system (M. Duverger).

Other approaches to the definition of parties: a party is the bearer of an ideology; a party is a long association of people; the purpose of the party is the conquest and exercise of power; The party seeks to enlist the support of the people.

Functions of political parties

Political parties in modern societies perform the following functions:

representation - expression of interests of certain groups of the population;

socialization - the involvement of a part of the population in the number of its members and supporters;

ideological function - the development of an attractive political platform for a certain part of society;

participation in the struggle for power - the selection, promotion of political personnel and the provision of conditions for their activities;

participation in the formation of political systems - their principles, elements, structures.

In modern political history, there are types of party systems: bourgeois democratic party system formed in Europe and North America in the 19th century. In its activities it is guided by the following rules: there is a legal struggle for power in society; power is exercised by a party or group of parties that have secured the support of a parliamentary majority; legal opposition constantly exists; there is agreement among the parties within the party system regarding the observance of these rules.

AT bourgeois system formed many types of party coalitions : multi-party coalition - none of the parties is able to achieve a competent majority ; bipartisan coalition - there are two strong parties, each of which is capable of independently exercising power; modified bipartisan coalition - not one of the two main parties collects an absolute majority and they are forced to cooperate with third parties; two-block coalition - two main blocs are fighting for power, and parties outside the blocs do not play a significant role; dominance coalition - one party exercises power independently for a long period; cooperative coalition - the most powerful parties cooperate for a long time and steadily in the exercise of power.

socialist party system there is only one legal party; the party leads the state at all levels of the state apparatus; the emergence of such a political system is associated with the crisis of democratic or authoritarian systems of government.

authoritarian party system this type of government is intermediate, while the dominant factor is the state, and not the party, which plays a secondary role in the process of exercising power. The existence of other parties is also allowed.

This classification experience is based precisely on what the parties say, as opposed to what they actually do. In the world of modern Russian politics, nothing is called by its proper name: the political views that the parties declare do not correspond to their names, the actions of the parties do not correspond to their political views, and the views themselves do not say anything about the interests of those who demonstrate them.

CPRF

Ideology

Communist Party of the Russian Federation (01.05.2009)

According to the program documents, the party continues the work of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR, and, based on the creative development of Marxism-Leninism, has as its goal the construction of socialism - a society of social justice on the principles of collectivism, freedom, equality, stands for genuine democracy in the form of Soviets, the strengthening of a federal multinational of the state, is the party of patriots, internationalists, the party of friendship of peoples, upholding communist ideals, defending the interests of the working class, the peasantry, the intelligentsia, and all working people.

A significant place in the program documents and works of the party leaders is occupied by the confrontation between the new world order and the Russian people with its thousand-year history, with its qualities - "catholicity and sovereignty, deep faith, indestructible altruism and a resolute rejection of the mercantile lures of the bourgeois, liberal-democratic paradise", "Russian question".

The ideological basis for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is Marxism-Leninism and its creative development.

Party structure

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation builds its work on the basis of the program and charter. The party, all its organizations and bodies operate within the framework of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the federal law "On Public Associations" and other laws of the Russian Federation. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a legal entity from the moment of state registration and carries out its activities in accordance with its statutory goals throughout the entire territory of the Russian Federation.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation creates its own regional, local and primary party organizations throughout the Russian Federation. The location of the permanent governing body of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is Moscow.

Communist Party of the Russian Federation(KPRF) is a left-wing political party in the Russian Federation, the most massive of the communist parties in Russia.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation was formed at the II Extraordinary Congress of Communists of Russia (February 13-14, 1993) as the restored Communist Party of the RSFSR. The CP RSFSR, in turn, was created in June 1990 as an association of members of the CPSU in the RSFSR. Its activities were suspended by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of August 23, 1991 N 79 "On the suspension of the activities of the Communist Party of the RSFSR", and then terminated by Presidential Decree of November 6, 1991 N 169, the possibility of its restoration in its previous form was excluded by the Resolution of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation N 9- P dated November 30, 1992.

In August 1996, the secretary of the Central Committee of the RKRP, V. Tyulkin, sent an open letter to Zyuganov, in which he wrote: “Knowing the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, taking into account the latest

actions of your party, recognizing the right of your organization to its special place in today's political system, at the same time I ask you to consider removing the word "communist" from the name of your party, so as not to discredit the theory itself and not mislead working people. The appeal is completely rhetorical, but some formulations are successful.The Communist Party of the Russian Federation really has little in common with the communist ideology now and occupies its special place in today's political system - on the left flank of the ruling party.

I must say that this place went to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation somewhere in early 1995. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the form in which it exists today appeared relatively late - in early 1993, on the basis of several small communist parties and an asset of the former Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR . In October 1993, she faced her first serious test, but she kept more or less face both in front of the government and (less) in front of the opposition, not taking part in the defense of the White House, but condemning the president's actions. As a result, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation entered the Duma in 1993 with good results. However, the parties and movements with which the Communist Party blocked at the end of 1993 had already drifted to the right by 1995, becoming petty satellites of the party in power, the future leader of the pro-government socialists, Ivan Rybkin, broke away from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation . The Liberal Democratic Party was guided by its own commercial interests. On the eve of the elections, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was forced to take a very cautious position in order not to give rise to a breakdown.

Zyuganov's presidential election campaign was notable for swinging from moderate anti-government rhetoric to a de facto pro-government position (for example, on the issue of Chechnya). In 1995-1996, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation finally took shape as part of the party in power, "looking after" the communist part of the Russian electorate (this was especially pronounced between the two rounds of the 1996 presidential elections).

Positions that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation occupied in the Duma in 1995-1999: The Communist Party of the Russian Federation refused to consider the issue of private property and began to consider the coexistence of state, public and private property "in one bottle" possible. Now it only opposes private ownership of land, believing that land should remain public property. But "it can be transferred to public, farm and peasant farms for permanent, eternal, inherited and leased possession and use. Only homestead and summer cottage plots of land can be transferred to private ownership."

After the transfer of power to a government of people's trust, private property will be preserved so that the "economy develops" ("... Being followers of Ilyich, ... we stand for a multistructural economy." G. Zyuganov), but at the same time, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is going to somehow "to establish self-management and control of labor collectives over production and distribution" under conditions of private property. In matters of state policy, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation takes a moderate national-patriotic position, putting forward as its main slogan "great power, democracy, equality, spirituality and justice." While advocating for the observance of rights and freedoms and the restriction of the president's powers by parliament, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, however, advocates "restoring order and tough actions in Chechnya (by renouncing the notorious right of nations to self-determination).

Thus, in general, the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation can be called social-democratic with a significant leftist bias. Its main goal in the political struggle is to maintain its broad representation in parliament and (sometimes) to lobby for the interests of pro-communist businessmen. The main electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - residents of small towns and rural areas, mostly pensioners and young people who vote not for the program, but for the name. As sociologists say, "the electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the least susceptible to PR manipulations, since they do not vote for Zyuganov or against Putin, but for communism, for the name "communist party." , namely, their votes determined the results, for example, of the second round of the presidential elections in 1996. In the regional elections of 1996, 14 governors nominated by the NPSR passed, but this victory was achieved at the expense of the regions traditionally voting for the "left."

The failure in the 2003 elections showed that the party urgently needs to change its pre-election platform and program, since the old slogans, even somewhat democratized, no longer find a response in Russian society. There are fewer and fewer people who vote not for a leader or a program, but for the word “communist”.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation has no popular leaders on a regional scale. Some business executives from the Communist Party moved to the right within the ruling party, for example, Luzhkov's right hand V. Shantsev.

The electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation will most likely continue to decrease over the next four years, but among the supporters from among officials and managers, as well as in the apparatus of the party itself, stratification will most likely deepen: the bulk will remain in the bosom of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the most influential (about one tenth) will "leave" to the right (not very far), and the radical left (also about one tenth) will go over to the extreme left (the party of Tyulkin, etc.). Thus, in the 2007 elections, the leadership should expect an even lower result.

The process of enlargement of various associations caused by the Law "On Political Parties" can finally fulfill the long-standing dream of the leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and put an end to the multi-party system among Russian communists. From the very moment this law was approved, it was obvious that the existing communist associations of the CPSU (b), the RCP-CPSU and the RCWP would in no way be able to recruit the required number of members and regional branches. However, the last point in the history of the existence of small communist parties will be put by the amendments to the Law "On Basic Guarantees of Citizens' Electoral Rights", developed by the Central Election Commission and submitted to the State Duma by the president in August.

Party and media

The party press is the Pravda newspaper, more than 30 regional publications, the internal Bulletin of Organizational-Party and Personnel Work. Previously, the weekly Pravda Rossii and the magazine Political Education were published, and Radio Resonance was friendly.

The largest friendly newspaper is "Soviet Russia", until 2004 the newspaper "Zavtra" was friendly. In the most popular print media, on TV and the main radio stations, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has been sparingly represented since its foundation, although not without hesitation. History textbooks and most media do not mention, for example, the abolition by the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation of a number of provisions of B.N. The Communist Party joins annually 10-15 thousand young people).

Finances of the Communist Party

According to the financial report of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, submitted to the CEC, in 2006 the party received in the form of funds for the implementation of statutory activities: 127,453,237 rubles. Of them:

29% - came from membership fees

30% - federal budget funds

6% - donations

35% - other income

In 2006, the party spent 116,823,489 rubles. Of them:

21% - for promotional activities (information, advertising, publishing, printing)

7% - preparation and holding of elections and a referendum

Biography of the leader

Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov was born. June 26, 1944, in a teacher's family in the village of Mymrino (about 100 km from Orel). Father, Andrei Mikhailovich Zyuganov (d. 1990), was an artillery crew commander, after the war he taught most subjects at the Mymrinskaya secondary school, including the basics of agriculture, excluding foreign and Russian languages ​​​​and literature. Mother - Marfa Petrovna, born in 1915 - taught in the elementary grades of the Mymrinskaya school.

After graduating with a silver medal from the Mymrinsk secondary school of the Khotynets district of the Oryol region in 1961, he worked as a teacher there for a year. In 1962 he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the Oryol Pedagogical Institute, from which he graduated with honors in 1969. In 1963-1966. served in the Soviet army in the radiation-chemical reconnaissance of a group of Soviet troops in Germany (currently a reserve colonel). He taught physics and mathematics at the university. At the same time he was engaged in trade union, Komsomol, party work. In 1966 he joined the CPSU. Since 1967, he was engaged in Komsomol work, worked in elected positions at the district, city and regional levels.

After graduating from the Oryol Pedagogical Institute, he taught there from 1969 to 1970. From 1972 to 1974 he worked as the first secretary of the Oryol regional committee of the Komsomol. In 1974-1983 he was secretary of the district committee, second secretary of the Oryol city committee of the CPSU, then head of the propaganda and agitation department of the Oryol regional committee of the CPSU. At the same time in 73-77 years. was a deputy of the Oryol City Council, from 80 to 83 - a deputy of the Oryol Regional Council of Deputies. From 1978 to 1980 he studied at the main department of the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU, completed postgraduate studies with it as an external student. In 1980 he defended his PhD thesis.

In 1983-1989 Zyuganov worked in the department of agitation and propaganda of the Central Committee of the CPSU as an instructor, head of the sector. In 1989-1990 he was deputy head of the ideological department of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Delegate of the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU (June 1990) and, accordingly, as a representative of the RSFSR - the Constituent Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (June-September 1990).

After the creation of the Communist Party of the RSFSR in June 1990, at the 1st founding congress, he was elected a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, chairman of the permanent Commission of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR on humanitarian and ideological problems, and in September 1990 - secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR.

In July 1991, together with a number of well-known state, political and public figures, he signed the appeal “Word to the people”. In August 1991, he was nominated as a candidate for the election of the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, but withdrew his candidacy in favor of V. A. Kuptsov due to his lack of experience in parliamentary work.

In December 1991, he was co-opted to the coordinating council of the Russian People's Union. Then he was elected a member of the coordinating council of the Fatherland movement. On June 12-13, 1992, he participated in the 1st Council (Congress) of the Russian National Cathedral (RNS), became a member of the Presidium of the Cathedral.

In October 1992, he joined the organizing committee of the National Salvation Front (FNS). At the II Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (CP RSFSR) on February 13-14, 1993, he was elected a member of the Central Executive Committee of the party, and at the first organizational plenum of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - chairman of the Central Executive Committee.

On July 25-26, 1993, he took part in the II Congress of the National Salvation Front in Moscow. From 20:00 on September 21, 1993 - after Boris Yeltsin's speech announcing the dissolution of parliament - he was in the House of Soviets, spoke at rallies. On October 3, he spoke on the air of the All-Russian State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company, urging the population of Moscow to refrain from participating in rallies and clashes with the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

December 12, 1993 was elected to the State Duma of the first convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party.

In April-May 1994, he was one of the initiators of the creation of the "Consent in the name of Russia" movement. On January 21-22, 1995, at the III Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, he became chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. On December 17, 1995, he was elected to the State Duma of the second convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party.

On March 4, 1996, he was registered as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation. June 16, 1996 presidential elections were held. Gennady Zyuganov's candidacy was supported by 31.96 percent of voters who took part in the voting. On July 3, 1996, during the voting in the second round of the presidential elections in the Russian Federation, 40.41% of voters voted for Zyuganov's candidacy. In August 1996, he was elected chairman of the coordinating council of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia, which included parties and movements that supported G. A. Zyuganov in the presidential elections.

On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the third convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party.

In 2000, in the presidential elections in Russia, he received 29.21% of the vote. In January 2001, at the plenum of the Council of the UCP-CPSU, he was elected chairman of the council of the Union of Communist Parties.

In 2003 he was elected a deputy of the State Duma of the fourth convocation, in 2007 - a deputy of the State Duma of the fifth convocation.

Zyuganov missed the 2004 presidential elections, where the party was represented by Nikolai Kharitonov, and took part in the 2008 elections, finishing second after Dmitry Medvedev (according to official data, more than 13 million votes, or 17.7% of those who took part in the elections).

Author of a series of monographs. He defended his doctoral thesis in philosophy on the topic "Main trends and the mechanism of socio-political changes in modern Russia." In 1996-2004 he headed the People's Patriotic Union of Russia. Since 2001, he has been the head of the Union of Communist Parties - the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

CONCLUSION

During the first few years of the new millennium, Russia managed to make significant progress along the path of forming a party system. A multi-party system has existed in our country since the early 1990s, but the party system is still in its infancy.

The parties are constantly developing, they are conducting a political struggle among themselves, they are developing, uniting and developing joint positions. To increase influence on state structures and to nominate their representatives to power structures.

The formation of a multi-party system in the country is difficult and contradictory. It is still far from the civilized framework dreamed of by connoisseurs and zealots of Western democracy. Most often it happens that parties appear, register, sometimes even disappear, but no one knows who is behind them, who supports them. And this is the main misfortune of many groupings that claim the right to be called parties.

But one thing is clear - the revival of Russia requires not just the interaction of parties, but also the interaction of simple political forces. They must cooperate with each other on reasonable terms.

LITERATURE

Reshetnev, S.A. To the question of the classification of political parties in Russia [text] / S.A. Reshetnev // Businessman power. - 2004. - No. 3. - S. 2-4

http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%9A%D0%9F%D0%A0%D0%A4

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Communism (lat.) literally means common . This is one of the largest ideological doctrines of the 19-20th century, which had no less influence on the course of world, especially Russian history than liberalism. At the heart of the communist ideology lies an outwardly very simple and obvious idea for the working majority - idea of ​​social equality and justice. The essence of this idea is that those who produce them should dispose of material goods, i.e. workers, and not those who own the means of production, i.e. owners. But for this, ownership of the means of production must become public, not private. Following this, the state will also begin to express not private, but public, people's interests, i.e. will become truly (and not imaginary) democratic - the power of the people themselves and thereby will wither away as useless. Its place will be taken by public self-government, guided not by formal law, not by legally binding laws, but by the principles of the new, communist morality and morality.

When, why and by whom was this ideology developed, which considers itself the only scientific theory of social development? How did it develop and what is its status today?

It would probably be correct to characterize communist ideology in its own language, and not in the language of its critics.

Formed in the 40s of the 19th century. The founders are German theorists: philosopher and economist K. Marx (1818-1883) (hence - "Marxism") and a hereditary entrepreneur, manufacturer F. Engels (1820-1895). The main works are “Capital”, “German Ideology”, “Communist Manifesto”, “On the Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State”, and many others. others

Social prerequisites of Marxism- the emergence in the historical arena (together with the bourgeoisie) of a qualitatively new class - the working proletarians (proletariat, literally, - deprived of property) . Like the bourgeoisie, the proletariat in the early stages of its history was dominated by the feudal monarchy - both were oppressed classes, both longed for freedom and equality, although they understood them differently. Nevertheless, together they carried out bourgeois revolutions (remember the barricades in Paris and the Paris Commune). Both (proletarian) communism and (bourgeois) liberalism have similar basic demands and political slogans – Freedom, Equality, Fraternity. Hence the provisions of Marxism, under which any liberal will subscribe: “The free development of each is a condition for the free development of all”; “Freedom consists in transforming the state from an organ standing above society into an organ entirely subordinate to this society.”

But in fact, according to Marxism, these were opposing and irreconcilable classes and ideologies. If before the 18th c. the oppressors were the feudal lords, from whom both the emerging bourgeoisie and the proletariat suffered, then the place of the oppressors was taken by the bourgeoisie, which took away economic and political power from the feudal lords. In addition, liberalism defended capitalism (private property), while Marxism fought against capitalism and justified its inevitable death along with the elimination of private ownership of the means of production.

Orientation communist ideology - against the bourgeoisie, as well as liberalism, conservatism and religion as ideologies that justify, from a Marxist point of view, the economic, political and spiritual domination of the exploiting classes.

class character- the only ideology that openly proclaimed itself the ideology of the working classes, and, above all, the proletariat - a new class that does not own the tools and means of production, removed, "alienated" from them.

In the second half of the 19th century supporters of Marxism, divided into two main currents or wings:

Reformist, social democratic direction, which broke away from Marxism at the end of the 19th century. Founder - Eduard Bernstein. It is currently one of the most influential leftist ideologies in the world. (It will be discussed in the 4th question of this lecture).

Radical, revolutionary, consistently communist. It was headed and developed by V.I. Lenin (1870-1924). Hence the concept of "Marxism-Leninism". The most important book for political science is Lenin's State and Revolution.

In the 20th century this branch of communism, represented by the Marxist-Leninist ideology, was implemented in the political practice of a number of the largest states of the world: since October 1917 - in the former Russian Empire, and after the Second World War - in the GDR, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia , in Mongolia and a number of other states. In modified forms, today it has been preserved in modern China, Vietnam, North Korea, and Cuba. In recent years, the ideas of socialism have become "fashionable" in Latin America (Venezuela and others).

However, in general, already at the end of the 20th century. the world communist system (“the system of socialism”) collapsed and collapsed. Most of the former socialist countries, including Russia, abandoned the Marxist-Leninist communist ideology and adopted a predominantly liberal ideology.

We will divide the main ideas of the communist (Marxist-Leninist) ideology into two groups . First group- philosophical and economic ideas or - "materialistic understanding of history", representing the development of society as an objective, natural-historical process, independent of the consciousness and will of people. Second group- actually political ideas, revealing the content of the conscious activity of people.

The main provisions of the materialistic understanding of history

1. Society, from the point of view of Marxism, goes through several stages of growth in its development. Each stage is based on the mode of production, which represents the unity of the productive forces (actually workers, tools and means of production) and production relations (property relations, distribution and consumption of material goods between the participants in production). The relations of production (the main question of which is “Who owns the property”?) are the “basis of society”, its foundation, figuratively speaking. Above it rises and is determined by the "political superstructure" - all the rest of the social and state structure, the consciousness and morality of people.

2. At a certain stage of development, the productive forces become "cramped" within the framework of the old production relations. There is a social explosion. The old, obsolete ones are being replaced by new, more progressive production relations, and society is moving to a new stage of development, called the socio-economic formation (SEF).

3. Each OEF (type of industrial relations) corresponds to its own type of social and state structure, its own political consciousness and moral values ​​(superstructure).

Human history, as production relations develop, goes through five such stages, five OEFs. Primitive communal, it is based on an undeveloped form of public property, public self-government corresponding to it, and communal morality in the absence of a state. Slave, feudal and capitalist OEF. All three are based on private property and the corresponding types of state serving the interests of the economically dominant classes, respectively - slave owners, feudal lords and capitalists. At each historical stage, private property, being a powerful stimulus for the development of material production, brings economic, social and political inequality, injustice, enmity, wars, crises, double standards and other problems for society and the individual. Future communist OEF will be based on developed (as opposed to primitive) public ownership of the means of production. On its basis, real, and not imaginary, social equality of people, cooperation and mutual assistance, and not enmity and envy, social justice and genuine universal morality (as opposed to two moralities: one for the poor and the other for the rich) will be formed. There will be no classes, no states, no political parties, no social distinctions between mental and physical labor, man and woman, town and country. The communist OEF in its development will go through two phases of growth: socialism and communism differing in the degree of maturity of the productive forces, the socialization of property, the level of social unity, consciousness and culture of society and the individual.

Political ideas of communist ideology

The second group of communist ideas reveals the role of people's conscious activity, that is, politics proper, in the process of society's transition from capitalism to socialism, and then to communism. Among them:

1. The idea of ​​class struggle and revolution as the only possible way to move from capitalism to socialism. The transition from capitalist to socialist society is possible only through a socialist revolution. Nobody will ever give up property and power voluntarily. In general, the revolution in Marxism is "the locomotive of history", "the midwife of any old society when it is pregnant with a new one." However, revolutions do not happen by order or by anyone's desire. In the bowels of the old system, economic and political prerequisites must mature for them. And for the socialist revolution, as the most radical in all human history, there are also favorable international conditions: such a revolution can be successful only if it happens simultaneously in all or at least in most of the most developed countries of the world. The socialist revolution in one country will inevitably be suppressed by the united bourgeoisie of other states.

2. Hence another idea - the obligatory nature of the world socialist revolution.

3. The idea of ​​the proletariat as the "gravedigger of the bourgeoisie", the builder of socialism and its political party. Only the proletariat, led by its political party, can carry out a socialist revolution. It is the only class that, unlike other classes, has “nothing to lose but its chains; he will gain the whole world," since the position of the proletariat in all countries is the same - it is deprived of property.

4. The idea of ​​the dictatorship of the proletariat. The new, socialist state will initially be a state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, which will gradually grow into a state of the whole people, and with full communism it will wither away. The withering away of the state will occur as the remnants of the bourgeoisie are destroyed, property is socialized and the differences between the working class and the working peasantry, city and countryside, mental and physical labor are overcome, as the “new man” is formed, for whom moral norms will have the force of law.

Why the dictatorship of the proletariat? Because in any class society, from the point of view of Marxism, the state is the state of the dictatorship of the economically dominant class: in the slave-owning - slave-owners, in the feudal - the feudal lords, in the bourgeois - the bourgeoisie, and in the socialist - the proletariat.

Logically coherent and attractive ideas for working people. It is no coincidence that in the 20 they "sick" a good half, if not most of humanity. But what happened in practice?

Neither Marx nor Engels left behind a description of either social property or the proletarian state: how it should be arranged, how to "work", how to distribute power vertically and horizontally. Yes, they could not do this - like Lenin, they were pure theorists. And the proletarians, on whom the rate was made, did not imagine either the theory or the practice of state building, they had no experience in managing the economy. In other words, there was no theoretical or organizational-professional basis for solving this grandiose, but, according to the critics of Marxism, utopian task.

Nevertheless, V. Lenin, the Bolsheviks, having won the revolution of 1917, socialized, as best they could, the means of production, taking them by force from the bourgeoisie and landowners. Plants, factories, land, the banking system became state (and not public!) property. Under the leadership of the Communist Party, which had merged with the state apparatus, they began to build and built from scratch, by trial, error and repression, a state unprecedented in history. As a result, a powerful, but authoritarian state was created, which, in terms of freedom, human rights, democracy, and the well-being of people, lagged behind Western standards, and over time, increasingly lost in the competition with capitalism. A good idea, framed in a rigorous theory, turned into Hobbesian Leviathan, into a monster state.

Of course, there were also positive moments, especially against the backdrop of what Russia experienced in the 90s. This is the friendship of the peoples of a multinational state, and the industrialization of the country, and a grandiose victory over fascism, and world leadership in space, and patriotism, and opposition to world capitalism for more than 70 years. But by and large, if everything had been good, there would have been neither 1991 nor subsequent years, during which the model of socialism, implemented in the USSR on the basis of the communist Marxist-Leninist ideology, as well as in most other countries of the world, collapsed.

People will argue about the reasons for the collapse of "real socialism" for a long time. But what role did communist ideology play in the downfall of socialism? FROM There are three points of view (for reflection):

1. The communist ideology is false and therefore unviable, flawed in its very foundation. Objecting to the supporters of this point of view, the modern defenders of Marxism point to the positive historical experience of the social democratic ideology, related in a number of its grounds to the communist one.

2. The necessary economic, political and international conditions and prerequisites have not matured for the practical implementation of communist ideas. Capitalism, as the founders of Marxism would say, has not yet fully exhausted its development potential.

3. The communist ideology was interpreted and applied by the communists in a dogmatic, straightforward, inflexible way. Not in the way liberals and conservatives do, realizing their ideas in practical politics. Moving towards a theoretically formulated goal, they constantly improve, correct and modify the content of their socio-political doctrines, adapting them to specific historical conditions and circumstances.

What is the state of the communist ideology today? It is in a deep crisis, trying to draw lessons from historical experience, has abandoned a number of principles that have not confirmed their vitality. But she remained quite influential and continues to be in demand in society, including in Russia. This is evidenced by the results of elections at various levels, in which the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, one of the largest mass parties in Russia, firmly holds the second place, receiving up to 20 percent or more of the vote in elections to the State Duma, as well as to the representative authorities of regions and municipalities. There are also smaller parties and associations in modern Russia that, in one form or another, adhere to communist principles and ideas in their social and political activities.

Individual countries of the former socialist community did not renounce communist ideology and political practice either. The People's Republic of China, already mentioned at the beginning of this lecture, is very indicative in this respect. The Chinese Communists managed to combine the communist ideology and one-party political system with the best achievements of the liberal market economy.. And while the ideological opponents of communism predict the fragility of such an "unnatural union", China is literally transforming before our eyes from a third-rate country into a mighty world power with growth rates of production and welfare of the population enviable for modern liberal democracies.

Thus, indiscriminately and completely writing off, dismissing the communist ideology as such, apparently, is not worth it. All the more so because the social democratic ideology, which is flourishing today in many, including the developed countries of the world, is close, kindred to it in spirit (and not in essence).

Communism(from lat. commūnis - "general") - in Marxism, the organization of society, in which the economy is based on public ownership of the means of production.

After the 19th century, the term is often used to refer to the socio-economic formation predicted in the theoretical works of Marxists, based on public ownership of the means of production. Such a formation, according to the works of the founders of Marxism, assumed the presence of highly developed productive forces, the absence of division into social classes, the abolition of the state, a change in functions and the gradual death of money. According to the classics of Marxism, the principle “To each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!” is realized in a communist society.

Various definitions of communism

Friedrich Engels in the draft program of the Union of Communists “Principles of Communism” (end of October 1847): “Communism is the doctrine of the conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.<…>Question 14: What should this new social order be like? Answer: First of all, the management of industry and of all branches of production in general will be removed from the hands of individual, competing individuals. Instead, all branches of production will be under the jurisdiction of the whole society, that is, they will be conducted in the public interest, according to a public plan and with the participation of all members of society. Thus this new social order will destroy competition and put association in its place.<…>Private property is inseparable from individual conduct of industry and from competition. Consequently, private property must also be abolished, and its place will be taken by the common use of all the instruments of production and the distribution of products by common agreement, or the so-called community of property.

Karl Marx (1844): «<…>communism is the positive expression of the abolition of private property; at first it appears as general private property. "Communism as the positive abolition of private property - this self-alienation of man -<…>there is a real resolution of the contradiction between man and nature, man and man, a genuine resolution of the dispute between existence and essence, between objectification and self-affirmation, between freedom and necessity, between the individual and the race. He is the solution to the riddle of history, and he knows that he is the solution."

Dictionary Vl. Dalia(1881, spelling of the original): "Communism, the political doctrine of the equality of fortune, the community of possessions, and the rights of each to another's property."

Philosophical Dictionary(1911): “Communism is a doctrine that rejects private property in the name of the human good.
All evil in social and state relations stems from the unequal distribution of good.
To eliminate this evil, communism advises that property rights be reserved only for the state, and not for private individuals. The first to recommend the communist ideal was Plato (cf. his Politia).”

Handbook for sacred church ministers(1913): “Communism preaches the forced communion of property, denying all kinds of private property. By extending the principle of collectivism, i.e., community, not only to production and distribution, but also to the very use of produced products, or to their consumption, and subjecting all this to social control, communism thereby destroys individual freedom even in the details of everyday life.<…>The communism of property preached by communism leads to the overthrow of all justice and to the complete destruction of the well-being and order of the family and society.

Errico Malatesta in the book A Brief System of Anarchism in 10 Conversations (1917): “Communism is a form of social organization in which<…>people will unite and enter into a mutual agreement, with the goal of securing the greatest possible welfare for everyone. Based on the principle that land, mines and all natural forces, as well as accumulated wealth and everything created by the labor of past generations, belongs to everyone, people under the communist system will agree to work together to produce everything necessary for everyone.

V. I. Lenin(December 1919): "Communism is the highest stage in the development of socialism, when people work from the consciousness of the need to work for the common good."

Philosophical Dictionary. ed. I. T. Frolova (1987): communism is “a socio-economic formation, the features of which are determined by social ownership of the means of production, corresponding to highly developed social productive forces; the highest phase of the communist formation (complete communism), the ultimate goal of the communist movement.

Dictionary of foreign words(1988): “1) a socio-economic formation replacing capitalism, based on public ownership, on the means of production; 2) the second, highest phase of the communist social formation, the first phase of which is socialism.

Merriam-Webster English Dictionary(one of several meanings): "a totalitarian system of government in which a single authoritarian party controls the state-owned means of production." Since the 1990s, the term has also been used in this sense in the Russian-language literature of Russia and other countries of the former USSR.

sociological dictionary N. Abercrombie, S. Hill and B. S. Turner (2004): “Communism is understood not as a real practice, but as a certain doctrine. This concept denotes societies in which there is no private property, social classes and division of labor.

Etymology

In its modern form, the word was borrowed in the 40s of the 19th century from the French language, where communisme is derived from commun - “general, public”. The word was finally formed into a term after the publication of the Communist Manifesto (1848). Before that, the word “commune” was used, but it did not characterize the whole society, but a part of it, a group whose members used the common property and the common labor of all its members.

History of communist ideas

In the early stages of development, primitive communism, based on the community of property, was the only form of human society. As a result of the property and social stratification of the primitive communal system and the emergence of a class society, communism has moved from a real-life practice into the category of a cultural dream of a just society, a Golden Age, and the like.

At its inception, communist views were based on the demand for social equality based on the community of property. Some of the first formulations of communism in medieval Europe were attempts to modernize Christian theology and politics in the form of a philosophy of poverty (not to be confused with misery). In the XIII-XIV centuries, it was developed and tried to be put into practice by representatives of the radical wing of the Franciscans. They equally opposed mystical or monastic asceticism and the absolutization of private property. In poverty, they saw the conditions for justice in the world and the salvation of society. It was not so much about common property, but about the general rejection of property. At the same time, the ideology of communism was Christian-religious.

The slogans of the revolutionary struggle for the radical participants of the Hussite movement in the Czech Republic of the XV century. (Jan Hus), Peasants' War in Germany in the 16th century. (T. Müntzer) were calls to overthrow the power of things and money, to build a just society based on the equality of people, including with common property. These ideas may well be considered communist, although their basis was purely religious - everyone is equal before God and the possession or not possession of property should not violate this, equality in religious rites was required. A few centuries later, egalitarian communism appears - the main component of the "bourgeois revolutions" of the 17th-18th centuries, in particular in England in the 17th century. (J. Winstanley) and France at the end of the 18th century. (G. Babeuf). The secular ideology of communism emerges. The idea of ​​creating a community is being developed in which the freedom and equality of people before each other is realized through the common communal ownership of property (or by resolving the conflict between individual and collective property in an egalitarian way). Ownership is no longer denied, but an attempt is made to subdue it for the benefit of the entire community.

The theoretical development of the first systematized ideas about the communist way of life was based on the ideology of humanism of the 16th-17th centuries. (T. More, T. Campanella) and the French Enlightenment of the 18th century. (Morelli, G. Mably). Early communist literature was characterized by the preaching of universal asceticism and leveling, which made it aimed at counteracting progress in the field of material production. The main problem of society was seen not in the economy, but in politics and morality.

The next concept of communism appeared in the context of working socialism - from C. Fourier to K. Marx and F. Engels. There is an awareness of the economic contradictions of society. Labor and its subordination to capital are placed at the center of the problems of society.

In the first half of the XIX century. the works of A. Saint-Simon, C. Fourier, R. Owen and a number of other utopian socialists appeared. In accordance with their ideas, in a just social order, ideas about labor as pleasure, the flowering of human abilities, the desire to provide for all his needs, central planning, and distribution in proportion to work should play an important role. Robert Owen not only developed a theoretical model of a socialist society, but also carried out a number of social experiments in practice to put such ideas into practice. In the early 1800s, in the factory village of New Lenark (Scotland), serving the paper mill, where Owen was the director, he carried out a number of successful measures for the technical reorganization of production and the provision of social guarantees to workers. In 1825, in the state of Indiana (USA), Owen founded the New Harmony labor commune, whose activities ended in failure.

The early utopian socialists saw the need to introduce into communist society a developed apparatus for suppressing the freedom of the individual in relation to those who, in one sense or another, show a desire to rise above the general level or take initiative that violates the order established from above, and therefore the communist state must necessarily be founded on the principles of totalitarianism, including autocracy (T. Campanella).

These and other utopian socialists enriched the concept of a just social order with ideas about labor as pleasure, the flowering of human abilities, the desire to provide for all his needs, central planning, distribution in proportion to work. At the same time, in a utopian society, the preservation of private property and property inequality was allowed. In Russia, the most prominent representatives of utopian socialism were A. I. Herzen and N. G. Chernyshevsky.

In the 40s of the 19th century, the class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie came to the fore in the most developed countries of Europe (the uprisings of the Lyon weavers in 1831 and 1834, the rise of the English Chartist movement in the mid-30s and early 50s, the uprising of the weavers in Silesia in 1844).

During this period, the German thinkers K. Marx and F. Engels in the spring of 1847 joined the secret propaganda society "Union of Communists", organized by German emigrants whom Marx met in London. On behalf of society, they compiled the famous "Manifesto of the Communist Party", published on February 21, 1848. In it, they proclaimed the inevitability of the death of capitalism at the hands of the proletariat and gave a brief program for the transition from the capitalist social formation to the communist one:
The proletariat uses its political dominance to wrest all capital from the bourgeoisie step by step, to centralize all the instruments of production in the hands of the state, i.e., the proletariat organized as the ruling class, and to increase the sum of the productive forces as quickly as possible.

This can, of course, only come about at first by means of despotic intervention in the right of property and in bourgeois production relations, i.e., with the help of measures that seem economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of the movement, outgrow themselves and are inevitable as a means of overturning. throughout the production process.

The program itself contains 10 items:
These activities will, of course, be different in different countries.

However, in the most advanced countries, the following measures can be applied almost universally:
1. Expropriation of landed property and conversion of land rent to cover government spending.
2. High progressive tax.
3. Cancellation of the right of inheritance.
4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the state through a national bank with state capital and with an exclusive monopoly.
6. Centralization of all transport in the hands of the state.
7. An increase in the number of state factories, tools of production, clearing for arable land and improving land according to the general plan.
8. The same obligation of labor for all, the establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.
9. The connection of agriculture with industry, the promotion of the gradual elimination of the difference between town and country.
10. Public and free education of all children. Elimination of factory labor of children in its modern form. The combination of education with material production, etc.

This is how Marxism was born. Karl Marx, however, severely criticized the utopian "crude and ill-conceived communism" of those who simply extended the principle of private property to everyone ("common private property"). Crude communism, according to Marx, is the product of "worldwide envy".

Many of Marx's contemporary anarchists also advocated public (communal) property (Peter Kropotkin called his system "anarcho-communism"), but they rejected the centralization promoted in Marxism because of the restrictions on individual freedom. In turn, anarcho-communism leans towards individualism in matters of freedom.

In 1864 the Marxist First International was created. Marxists founded social-democratic parties, in which both a radical, revolutionary trend and a moderate, reformist one emerged. The German Social Democrat E. Bernstein became the ideologist of the latter. In the Second International, created in 1889, until the early 1900s, the revolutionary point of view prevailed in the International. At the congresses, decisions were made about the impossibility of an alliance with the bourgeoisie, the inadmissibility of entering bourgeois governments, protests against militarism and war, etc. Later, however, the reformists began to play a more significant role in the International, which caused accusations from the radicals of opportunism.

In the first half of the 20th century, communist parties emerged from the most radical wing of social democracy. The Social Democrats have traditionally advocated the expansion of democracy and political freedoms, while the Communists, who came to power first in Russia in 1917 (the Bolsheviks), and then in a number of other countries, were opponents of democracy and political freedoms (despite the fact that formally declared their support) and supporters of state intervention in all spheres of society.

Therefore, already in 1918, Luxembourgianism arose, opposing, on the one hand, the pro-bourgeois policy of the revisionist Social Democracy, and, on the other, Bolshevism. Its founder was the German radical Social Democrat Rosa Luxembourg.

On March 4, 1919, at the initiative of the RCP(b) and personally its leader V. Lenin, the Communist International was created to develop and spread the ideas of revolutionary international socialism, as opposed to the reformist socialism of the Second International.

The views of a number of communist theorists who recognized the progressive significance of the October Revolution in Russia, but criticized its development, and some even rejected the socialist character of Bolshevism, seeing state capitalism in it, began to be called left communism. The left opposition in the RCP(b) and the CPSU(b) in the 1920s advocated intra-party democracy, against the "nepman, kulak and bureaucrat".
The “left opposition” in the USSR ceased to exist as a result of repressions, but the ideology of its leader L. Trotsky, who was expelled from the country, (Trotskyism) became quite popular abroad.

The communist ideology in the form in which it became dominant in the USSR in the 1920s was called "Marxism-Leninism".

The revelations of Stalinism at the 20th Congress of the CPSU, the Soviet course towards economic development under the policy of "Peaceful Coexistence" displeased the leader of the Chinese Communists, Mao Zedong. He was supported by the leader of the Albanian Party of Labor Enver Hoxha. The policy of the Soviet leader N.S. Khrushchev was called revisionist. Many communist parties in Europe and Latin America, following the Sino-Soviet conflict, split into groups oriented toward the USSR, and the so-called. "anti-revisionist" groups oriented towards China and Albania. In the 1960s and 1970s, Maoism enjoyed considerable popularity among the left-wing intelligentsia in the West. The leader of the DPRK, Kim Il Sung, maneuvering between the USSR and China, in 1955 proclaimed the Juche ideology, which is presented as a harmonious transformation of the ideas of Marxism-Leninism based on ancient Korean philosophical thought.

The policy and theoretical substantiation of the activities of a number of communist parties in Western Europe, which in the 1970s and 1980s criticized the leadership of the CPSU in the world communist movement, the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the lack of political freedoms in countries that adopted the Soviet model of socialism, was called "Eurocommunism".

"Scientific Communism"

The concept introduced in the USSR in the 1960s, which denoted “one of the three components of Marxism-Leninism, revealing the general laws, ways and forms of the class struggle of the proletariat, the socialist revolution, the construction of socialism and communism. The term "scientific communism" ("scientific socialism") is also used in a broad sense to refer to Marxism-Leninism as a whole.

Also the name of the subject in the universities of the USSR since 1963. It was compulsory for students of all universities along with the "History of the CPSU" and "Marxist-Leninist Philosophy" until June 1990.

Within the framework of scientific communism, the need for the dictatorship of the proletariat to achieve communism was argued, although the idea of ​​communism as a society based on common property does not indicate the political structure of such a society.

The term "Scientific Communism" appeared at the end of the 19th century to distinguish Marxist communist ideas from others. The addition of "scientific" arose because K. Marx and F. Engels substantiated the need for changes in the social structure by changes in the methods of production. They emphasized the objective nature of the historical movement towards communism. GV Plekhanov wrote that scientific communism does not invent a new society; he studies the tendencies of the present in order to understand their development in the future.

Friedrich Engels predicted a number of main features of a communist society: anarchy in production is replaced by a systematic organization of production on a social scale, an accelerating development of productive forces begins, the division of labor disappears, the opposition between mental and physical labor disappears, labor turns from a heavy burden into a vital need - self-realization, class distinctions are destroyed and the state itself dies, instead of managing people, production processes will be controlled, the family will change radically, religion disappears, people become masters of nature, humanity becomes free. Engels foresaw unprecedented scientific, technical and social progress in the future. He predicts that in the new historical epoch "people, and with them all branches of their activity, will make such progress that they will eclipse everything that has been done so far."
Concepts formed using the term "communism"

primitive communism

According to Engels, the most ancient human societies of hunter-gatherers, which existed before the rise of classes, can be called "primitive communism." Primitive, or primitive, communism is characteristic of all peoples at the early stages of development (the so-called primitive communal system, which, according to archaeological periodization, coincides mainly with the Stone Age). Primitive communism is characterized by the same attitude of all members of society to the means of production, and, accordingly, the same way for all to receive a share of the social product. There is no private property, no classes, no state.
In such societies, the food obtained is distributed among the members of the society in accordance with the need for the survival of the society, that is, according to the needs of the members for individual survival. Things produced by each person for himself independently were in the public domain - public property. In the early stages, there was no individual marriage: group marriage was not just the main, but the only form of regulation of relations between the sexes. The development of labor tools led to the division of labor, which caused the emergence of individual property, the emergence of some property inequality between people.

Utopian communism

The classic expression of this kind of communism is Thomas More's Utopia (1516), which paints an idyllic picture of primitive communism as opposed to feudalism. By the 17th century, new, more developed versions of utopian communism were being formed, expressed in the views of Mellier, Morelli, Babeuf, Winstanley. Utopian communism reached its apogee in the 19th century in the concepts of Saint-Simon, Fourier, Owen, Chernyshevsky.

war communism

The official name of economic practice in Russia during the Civil War on the territory of Soviet Russia in 1918-1921. Elements of war communism were introduced by most of the countries participating in World Wars 1 and 2. The main goal was to provide the population of industrial cities and the Army with weapons, food and other necessary resources in conditions when all the economic mechanisms and relations that existed before were destroyed by the war. The main measures of war communism were: the nationalization of banks and industry, the introduction of labor service, a food dictatorship based on food appropriations and the introduction of a ration system, and a monopoly on foreign trade. The decision to end war communism was made on March 21, 1921, when the NEP was introduced at the 10th Congress of the RCP(b).

Eurocommunism

Eurocommunism is the conventional name for the policy of some communist parties in Western Europe (such as French, Italian, Spanish), which criticized the lack of political freedoms and the alienation of the party and authorities, in their opinion, that existed in countries that adopted the Soviet model of socialism. The transition to socialism, according to the supporters of Eurocommunism, should be carried out in a “democratic, multi-party, parliamentary” way. In its rejection of the dictatorship of the proletariat, Eurocommunism was close to social democracy (although the Eurocommunists did not identify themselves with them). Russian followers of Eurocommunism, or non-authoritarian communism, are often erroneously called Trotskyists, despite the authoritarianism of Trotsky himself and the absence of any trace of a preference for the Trotskyist branch of Marxism in the ideology of the non-authoritarian left.

Anarcho-communism

Socio-economic and political doctrine of the establishment of a stateless society based on the principles of decentralization, freedom, equality and mutual assistance. The ideological foundations of anarcho-communism were laid by the famous scientist and revolutionary Pyotr Alekseevich Kropotkin. The most famous milestones in the history of the anarcho-communist movement were the insurrectionary movement of Nestor Makhno during the Civil War in Russia, as well as the actions of the Spanish anarcho-syndicalists during the Civil War in Spain of 1936-1939. In addition, it should be noted that anarcho-communism is the ideological basis of the anarcho-syndicalist International that exists to this day, founded in the winter of 1922-1923.

Forecast dates for the transition to a communist form of society

2009 May Day demonstration in Severodvinsk

V. I. Lenin in 1920 attributed the building of communism to the 30s - 40s of the XX century:
The First Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU N. S. Khrushchev announced in October 1961 at the XXII Congress of the CPSU that by 1980 the material base of communism would be created in the USSR - “The current generation of Soviet people will live under communism!”.

Complete communism as the highest phase of the communist formation

According to Marxism, the "communist socio-economic formation", or, briefly, "communism" consists of two phases: the lower - which in Marxism is called socialism and the higher - the so-called "complete communism". Under socialism, there is a state, and state power is stronger than under other formations, elements of bourgeois law and other remnants of the capitalist formation. Also, under socialism, there is personal property, there is small private production (household plots) and small private trade (markets). However, large private property under socialism is also absent. Since the means of production become common property, the word "communism" is already applicable to this phase.

According to Marx,

…In the highest phase of communist society, after the subordination of man to the division of labour, which enslaves man, has disappeared; when the opposition of mental and physical labor disappears along with it; when labor ceases to be only a means of life, and becomes itself the first need of life; when, along with the all-round development of individuals, the productive forces also grow and all sources of social wealth flow in full flow, only then will it be possible to completely overcome the narrow horizon of bourgeois law, and society will be able to write on its banner: "To each according to his ability, to each according to his needs".

Anarcho-communists do not agree with the concept of two phases and believe that for the onset of full communism and the elimination of the state, a preliminary stage of strengthening the state is not needed.

Many authors have repeatedly noted that human needs are unlimited, therefore, with any, even the highest labor productivity, distribution mechanisms and restrictions are required, for example, money. To this the Marxists responded as follows:
The state will be able to die out completely when society implements the rule: “to each according to his ability, to each according to his needs”, that is, when people are so accustomed to observing the basic rules of community life and when their labor is so productive that they will voluntarily work according to their abilities. The "narrow horizon of bourgeois right," which forces one to calculate, with Shylock's callousness, not to work an extra half hour against another, not to receive less pay than the other - this narrow horizon will then be crossed. The distribution of products will then not require society to normalize the amount of products received by each; everyone will be free to take "as needed."

From the bourgeois point of view, it is easy to declare such a social structure a “pure utopia” and scoff at the fact that the socialists promise everyone the right to receive from society, without any control over the work of an individual citizen, any number of truffles, cars, pianos, etc ...
... to "promise" that the highest phase of the development of communism would come, it never occurred to a single socialist, and the foreknowledge of the great socialists that it would come implies not the current productivity of labor and not the current layman, who is capable "in vain" - sort of like Pomyalovsky's bursaks - spoil the warehouses of public wealth and demand the impossible.

In fantasy

The communists pave the way to the stars. Postal block USSR 1964

In the Soviet Union, communist motives in science fiction were of paramount importance from the very beginning of the genre in the country.

Our job is to turn Soviet science fiction into a weapon in the struggle for communism and for the spread of communist ideas throughout the world by increasing the artistic and ideological content of the works.

However, in the 1930s and 1950s it was mostly "short-range fiction" describing the transition to a communist society, but not the society itself.

I. A. Efremov vividly and positively described the humane communist society of the future in his famous novel "The Andromeda Nebula", which was based on the film of the same name. The development of this author's ideas about the people of the communist future is given in the story Heart of the Snake and the novel The Hour of the Bull.

A. Bogdanov (“Red Star”), the Strugatsky brothers (“World of Noon”), G. Martynov (“Gianea”, “Guest from the Abyss”), G. Altov (“Scorching Mind”), V Savchenko (“Beyond the Pass”), V. Nazarov (“Green Doors of the Earth”) V. Voinovich (“Moscow 2042”).

The description of the communist society in Western science fiction is presented in the TV series Star Trek. In addition, the communist society of the future was described by G. Wells (“People as Gods”, “The Time Machine”, W. Le Guin “The Dispossessed”, T. Sturgeon (“Artists of the Planet Xanadu”).

The communist movement is a constant opponent of social-democratic politics and theory. Communism (from lat. communis - general) as a political ideology arose in the middle of the 19th century. It became an alternative to both liberalism and conservatism. Its main difference from them lies in its radicalism. The communists declared their goal to be the destruction of all variants of the old social order based on inequality and the creation of a new order based on social equality. This is the anti-conservatism of the communist ideology.
The founders of this ideology, K. Marx and F. Engels, formulated its main principles in the work “Manifesto of the Communist Party” (1848), which became a guide to action for the radical part of the European labor movement of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The radicalism of this ideology and the political trend corresponding to it consisted in focusing on the implementation of a social revolution with the aim of establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat (the poor class), destroying private property, social inequality and building a classless society with its help, ensuring the free and all-round development of each individual.
In this respect, communism is opposed to liberalism, which maintains that individual freedom is based on private property. The old state based on the domination of some classes over others, according to communist ideology, must be replaced by public self-government. Democracy for communists means the subordination of the minority (the entrepreneurs) to the majority (the workers).
If you turn to the theoretical works of the Soviet era on the communist ideology, then you can read there that this ideology of the advanced part of the population under socialism and the ideology of the overwhelming part of the population under communism. The economic basis of the communist ideology is a single communist property, which ensures the priority of public interests over personal and group interests.
and the denial of the exploitation and oppression of man by man in any form. The main features of the communist ideology are: in relation to society and the individual - the prevalence of public interests over group and personal interests, the participation of each individual in strengthening society by his work, the creation by society for all its members of the maximum opportunities to satisfy material and spiritual needs; in personal relationships - cooperation, mutual respect, mutual assistance; in the relations of society and individuals with nature, full compensation for the damage caused to nature and the promotion of its development.
Communism is an ideology, the essence of which is the criticism of capitalist relations from the standpoint of denying private property, from the standpoint of collectivism. The political ideas of the communist ideology are based on an unlimited faith in the theory of progress, on a messianic interpretation of the role of the working class in society, on a utopian understanding of human nature, on the belief in the historical inevitability of the revolutionary replacement of capitalism by socialism.
Its main principles are the abolition of private property and the transition to state property, central planning, the priority of collective and state interests over the interests of the individual, and the leading role of the working class and the Communist Party in society.
So, V.I. Lenin, developing the revolutionary tradition of Marxism, taking in this doctrine its most aggressive features, developed a doctrine on the stages of the socialist revolution, on the destruction of the “bourgeois state machine”, the “dictatorship of the proletariat”, the party of the “new type”, leading society to the “heights of communism”. Subsequently, Leninist fundamentalism served as the basis for the emergence of the Stalinist regime, whose theorists, having put forward the idea of ​​intensifying the class struggle as socialist construction progressed, created an ideological basis for ensuring social transformations (socialization of production, industrialization of the national economy, collectivization of the countryside, etc.) by means of terror and genocide of the civilian population.
History of the 20th century along with the general humanistic content of the slogans of the communists, it also revealed the organic flaws of this ideology, which ultimately prevented its implementation in the modern world. Thus, for the industrial stage of the development of society, the negative attitude of the communists to the economic inequality of individuals, to competition and the principles of unequal remuneration for work, due to differences in abilities, education and other characteristics of individuals, turned out to be unacceptable. Wanting to correct the "injustice" of society, the communists tried to replace them with mechanisms of non-labor distribution of income, political regulation of economic processes, recognized the need for the state to consciously establish the principles and norms of social equality. Therefore, in the ideology of communism, the state has always risen above the individual, conscious control - above the evolutionary course of the development of society, politics - above the economy.
In the second half of the XX century. various modifications of the communist ideology appeared, differing from classical communism. Among them are the "Eurocommunism" that arose in the industrialized European countries. It was based on the rejection of traditional communist values ​​and criticism of the experience of the USSR and the former socialist countries, where communism was the official state ideology.
Adherents of this ideology occupied key positions in a number of the largest communist parties in Europe (French, Italian, Spanish). They denied the need to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist revolution, promoted the reformist (parliamentary) path of transition to socialism (“growing socialism into capitalism”), political and ideological pluralism, and a mixed (state-private) economy. This contributed to the convergence of their positions with the positions of the socialists and even the creation of an “alliance of the left forces” during election campaigns (for example, the communist and socialist parties of France in 1981). Until the collapse of the USSR, the CPSU waged an active ideological struggle against this trend.
The collapse of the socialist system and the departure of the CPSU from the historical stage exacerbated the problem of modernizing the communist doctrine. In some countries, communist parties have ceased to exist (have changed names or been dissolved), but where they have survived, there is a noticeable tendency towards rapprochement with social democracy. At the same time, there are groups and parties that are conservative, that is, they declare their loyalty to the ideology of Marxism-Leninism.
The crisis of the communist movement and its ideologies in post-Soviet Russia occurred against the backdrop of the rapid growth of communist parties and movements that developed their own versions of communist ideology and culture.
Throughout 1992, various newly formed communist-oriented organizations repeatedly made attempts to restore a single communist party, but they, as a rule, were not successful due to the claims of each organization for hegemony in the unification process.
The first such attempt was made by the All-Union Committee of Communists headed by S. Skvortsov. In July 1992, this committee held the so-called "XXIX Congress of the CPSU". However, the rest of the communist organizations in Russia did not recognize the decisions of this congress.
Another attempt was made by the Union of Communists, whose leaders, having gathered 46 (out of more than 400 members) of the "old" Central Committee of the CPSU, held in June 1992 the so-called. "plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU", which caused a protest from other communist organizations. At the plenum, the "Organizing Committee of the Central Committee of the CPSU" was formed, which in October 1992 convened the so-called. "XX Party Conference of the CPSU", and March 26-27, 1993 - "XXIX Congress of the CPSU". The congress approved the new name of the party - "Union of Communist Parties - Communist Party of the Soviet Union". Oleg Shenin, former secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, member of the State Committee for the State of Emergency, became the leader of the UCP-CPSU. In May 1993, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation decided to join the UPC-CPSU as an associate member, and in April 1994 decided to "consider itself an integral part of the Union of Communist Parties while maintaining organizational independence, pro-
Grammar and statutory documents". After that, the plenum of the Council of the UCP-CPSU on July 9-10, 1994 accepted the Communist Party of the Russian Federation into its ranks.
Various communist organizations operated on the "political field" of the new Russia. To name a few
of them.
All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (VKPB). Among the communist organizations that were active in the 90s of the XX century was the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks VKPB, created by supporters of Nina Andreeva after the dissolution of the CPSU on the basis of the Unity society and part of the Bolshevik Platform in the CPSU. The founding congress of the party was held on November 8, 1991.
In the spring of 1993, the VKPB took part in the "reconstruction" of the SKKKPSS, in August of the same year, it participated in the restoration of the Roskomsovet and the establishment of the Roskomsoyuz.
The program of the AUCPB adopted at the founding congress (November 8, 1991) declared the continuity of the party in relation to the AUCP(b) in the form in which it existed until the mid-1950s. The party announced its program goals: in the socio-economic field - the restoration of "the dominance of socialist property", "the state monopoly of foreign trade", "the social rights of workers guaranteed by the Constitution of 1977", "updating the planned economic system at the modern scientific level", " an end to the forcible decollectivization of the countryside"; in the field of politics and ideology - "the restoration of the Soviet state, which performs the functions of the dictatorship of the proletariat as an organ of power of the working class." The AUCPB for a long time opposed the use of "parliamentary forms of struggle" and only at the beginning of 1994 admitted the possibility of participating in elections to local self-government bodies.
The Russian Communist Workers' Party (RKRP) united orthodox communists, who until August 1991 grouped around the Communist Initiative Movement, which aimed to create a Russian Communist Party within the CPSU on the basis of the United Workers' Front. In the Central Committee
The RCRP included V. Tyulkin, A. Sergeev, M. Popov, V. Anpilov, Yu. Terentiev, R. Kosolapoe and others.
In the Program Statement adopted by the founding congress of the RCWP (November 23-24, 1991), the goals of the RCWP were "preservation and strengthening of a single state - the USSR", "preservation and development of a single national economic complex created by the labor of people", "providing the social and economic development of the country, free education, health care, housing easily accessible to all." These goals, the document said, can be ensured "not by parliaments of the bourgeois type, but by the Soviets of workers, with full power both in politics and in the economy."
Under the leadership of the RCWP, the Labor Russia movement was active, uniting a wide range of adherents of orthodox communist views and headed by the head of the Moscow organization of the RCWP, V. Anpilov. In addition to the members of the RCWP, who made up the majority of the TR asset, the movement also included representatives of the OFT, the Union of Communists, the All-Union Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Russian Komsomol and other communist organizations.
The Union of Communists was created in November 1991 on the basis of the left wing of the "Marxist platform in the CPSU". Its sole leader was at first Aleksey Prigarin. In April 1992, at the 1st Congress of the UK, a decision was made to form the International Union of Communists, which, in addition to the UK, also included the Unions of Communists of Ukraine and Latvia and the Communist Party of Workers of Transnistria. (The international NC, however, existed only on paper.) The Union of Communists advocated the creation of an economic federation between the republics of the former USSR, the development of an "extraordinary three-year plan for economic recovery", the introduction of a state monopoly on foreign trade, etc.
The Union of Communists was the main initiator of the creation of the SKP-CPSU. Under his leadership, the "Plenary Meeting of the Central Committee of the CPSU" (June 13, 1992), "XX Conference of the CPSU" (October 10, 1992), "XXIX Congress of the CPSU" (March 29-30, 1993) were prepared and held. The UK was the first to become a full member of the UPC-CPSU.
A. Prigarin was elected one of the vice-chairmen of the Council of the UPC-CPSU, and the Political Executive Committee of the Council of the UPC-CPSU, in addition to him, also included a member of the Central Committee of the SKP S. Stepanov. Members of the UK participated in the creation of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (the decision to leave the activists of the Union of Communists from the Zyuganov Communist Party was made only at the II Congress of the UK in December 1993), as well as in the re-established in August 1993 Roskomsovet.
The program goals of the Union of Communists were initially declared "socialist development of society", "the leading role of public ownership of the main means of production when using various forms of ownership in the service sector and small-scale production", "regulated market relations", "a reasonable combination of planned fundamentals of economic management and the market", "the market for means of production and consumer goods in the absence of a market for labor and capital", "the revival of Soviet power", "the creation of a system of democracy based on elections based on the territorial production principle", "the development of self-government".
The Russian Party of Communists (RPK) was the least orthodox of all the "leftist" communist parties in the Roskomsovet. Her program, in particular, allows for the existence of "limited private property." At the same time, the real political practice makes the PKK indistinguishable from all other parties-members of the RCC.
The I Congress of the PKK (December 5-6, 1992) decided to participate in the organizing committee for the restoration of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, representatives of the party participated both in the official II Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and in the "parallel" one, held at the initiative of the RKRP. Part of the members of the leadership of the PKK, headed by K). Belov and B. Slavin in February 1993 moved to the Communist Party. Representatives of the PKK have repeatedly stated that they consider themselves communist realists" and avoid the "extremist extremes of other communist groups."
Union of Communist Parties (SKP-CPSU). The Organizing Committee of the "XXIX Congress of the CPSU" ("Organizing Committee of the Central Committee of the CPSU") was formed on June 13, 1992 at a meeting of 46 members of the "old" Central Committee
CPSU, convened on the initiative of the leaders of the Union of Communists (in particular, a member of the leadership of the Investigative Committee Konstantin Nikolaev became the chairman of the OK, and the leader of the Investigative Committee Alexei Prigarin became his deputy). On October 10, 1992, the Organizing Committee of the Central Committee of the CPSU held the "XX Party Conference of the CPSU", and on March 26-27, 1993 - the "XXIX Congress of the CPSU". At the congress, the "reconstituted" party received a new name: the Union of Communist Parties - the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (SKP-CPSU).
The Union of Communists, the Bolshevik Platform in the CPSU and the Leninist Platform of Richard Kosolapov (formed within the RKRP in December 1992, in February 1993 transferred to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) were the first of the Russian communist parties to join the UCP-CPSU as full members. On May 15, 1993, at the plenum of the Party Council in the UPC-CPSU, the Union of Communists of Russia, the Union of Communists of Latvia, the Communist Party of South Ossetia were officially accepted. Party of Communists of Kyrgyzstan, Communist Party of Estonia, Communist Party of Kazakhstan, Communist Party of Tajikistan and Communist Party of Workers of Transnistria.
The RKRP, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Union of Communists of Ukraine joined the Union of Communist Parties as associate members. At the plenum of the Council of the UCP-CPSU on July 9-10, 1994, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Communist Party of Ukraine and the United Communist Party of Georgia were accepted as full members of the UCP-CPSU. At the plenum on December 12, 1994, the Communist Party of Azerbaijan and the Communist Party of Uzbekistan entered the UPC-CPSU as full members, and the Union of Workers of Armenia as an associate. At the plenum on March 25, 1995 - RCWP and the Communist Party of Moldova as full members, PKK - as an associate.
At the beginning of July 1995, the SPCCSS Program was adopted. The program principles were declared: "refusal of conciliation with anti-people ruling regimes"; "the leading role of state property"; uniting the opposition on the basis of the recognition of "the need for accelerated mobilization development of the country"; "the desire to build a union state on the principle of "union of peoples - federation of territories"; "all-round support for the armed forces and
law enforcement agencies in their actions in the interests of the working people"; "development and strengthening of traditional national Soviet spiritual values." The congress announced the impossibility of admitting representatives of social democratic organizations to the UPC-CPSU and cooperation with nationalist associations, which were seen as "a weapon of provocations by the special services."
Roskomsoyuz. An association of "left" ("revolutionary") communist organizations in Russia that oppose the "opportunist" Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The prototype of the Roskomsoyuz was the Russian Coordinating and Advisory Council (Roskomsovet), created at a meeting of representatives of republican and regional communist parties that took place on August 8-9, 1992, operating on the territory of the former USSR. He was tasked with holding a unifying conference of the communists of the former Soviet Union. The Roskomsovet was attended by representatives of almost all Russian parties that had formed "on the ruins" of the CPSU - not only the Communist Parties, but also the Socialist Party of Workers. Gradually, the majority in the RKS was captured by representatives of the SPT, and the Roskomsovet from the organizing committee for the restoration of the CPSU turned into an initiative committee for the restoration of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. After the "restoration" of the Communist Party, Roskomsovet ceased its activities.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) is the largest communist (and generally political) party in the Russian Federation. The hegemony of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the Russian communist movement is obviously explained by the fact that in the eyes of ordinary adherents of the communist ideology, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the most "legitimate" heir to the CPSU. If the parties of the Roskomsovet are marked by the stamp of their "informal" past, and the claims of the UCP-CPSU for the role of the "old CPSU" are given away by some imposture, then the Communist Party of the Russian Federation managed to maintain the golden mean: it was able, on the one hand, to create for itself the image of an organization capable of navigating in modern Russian realities, and on the other hand, not to break the thread that connects it with the "pre-August" CPSU.
The Political Statement adopted at the 2nd Party Congress (February 13-14, 1993) spoke of the CPRF's adherence to "the ideas of socialism and democracy." The Communist Party of the Russian Federation set as its tasks "obstruction of the capitalization of the country", "stopping forced privatization." At the same time, the statement contained such provisions, uncharacteristic for orthodox communists, as "the formation of a planned market economy", "the social orientation of reforms", "the optimal combination of various forms of ownership", "free transfer of land for perpetual possession and use by state, collective, farm and other farms", "conclusion of a new interstate agreement between the CIS countries".

XXX
All modern political ideologies, reflecting the conflicts of social life, are in constant development. Ideologies acquire new historical forms, borrowing value orientations from each other, which better fulfill the role of mobilization, organization of certain social strata, and direct their social action. Thus liberalism becomes "more socialist", and socialism - "more liberal". Conservatism assimilates the values ​​of liberalism. Modern ideologies seem to be retreating from a one-sided vision of the world, moving along the path of mutual penetration and complementarity. However, this does not yet lead to the loss of their self-identity. Ideologies reflect both social interest and the search for more realistic and effective social development programs. The competition of forces claiming power, as well as the competition of ideologies, is an element of power relations, it is the engine of political development, one of the guarantees of its democratic tendencies.

The main idea of ​​the manifesto was the alienation of private ownership of land and the collection of fees for land use to the state treasury instead of private ones. In addition, according to the ideas of Marx, a tax was to be introduced depending on the level of wealth of the payer, the state monopoly on the banking system - the centralization of credit in the hands of the state with the help of a national bank with 100% state capital, and the transfer of the entire transport system to the hands of the state (alienation of private property to transport lines).

Labor obligations in the form of labor detachments were introduced for everyone without exception, especially in the field of agriculture, the principle of inheritance was abolished and the property of emigrants was alienated in favor of the state. New state factories were to be built, creating, above all, new means of production. It was planned to introduce centralized agriculture at the expense of the state and under its control. Particular importance was attached to the unification of agriculture with industry, the gradual merging of the city and the countryside, the elimination of differences between them. In addition, general free upbringing and education of children and educational measures combined with the production process were to be introduced, child labor in factories was abolished.

On the territory of Russia, these ideas were embodied in the Marxist-Leninist philosophy, the ideology of the working class, which called for the overthrow of the capitalist system and the struggle of the proletariat to build a communist society. Marxism-Leninism was officially enshrined as the state ideology of the USSR in the constitution of 1977 and lasted in this form until the collapse of the Soviet Union.

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Despite the fact that the Soviet Union collapsed, people's memory did not have time to completely forget the almost century-old era. No wonder some young people are wondering, "What is communism?" Without understanding one's own history, it is impossible to draw correct conclusions about the future.

Instruction

Communism is a utopian political regime. Best of all, its essence is revealed by the slogan "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs." It is understood that each member works conscientiously for the common good, which ultimately allows the needs of the whole to be satisfied. It should be noted that this directly contradicts the new economic model, since human needs rely beyond infinity.

The communist must have a number of characteristic features. First of all - the absence of private property and the rejection of the currency in any of its manifestations: each person simply gets everything that he would not want. As a result, there is no division into social classes, the need for a state as such disappears.

By introducing a number of reservations, primitive society can be considered communist. Food is obtained by common efforts not for personal needs, but for everything at once, there are no signs of the state, members of the tribe do not have direct power over each other.

The communist utopia is preceded by socialism. This political regime, according to K. Marx, is a transitional stage of capitalism. The state begins to abandon money and private property, but there is no talk of an equal distribution of benefits yet. Each person receives a coupon on how much work he has invested in the state, on the basis of which he can receive certain benefits. It is important to note that socialism in the Soviet Union had a distorted form, which gives rise to many points of view about the political structure of the state. The most optimistic option: "There was socialism in the USSR, but only in an undeveloped form."

Political regimes of this kind are criticized, first of all, for the depersonalization of a person. Most utopian philosophers agree that the construction of a communist society is possible only with strict control over freedom of speech and an egalitarian policy that does not provide any opportunity for personal self-realization.

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Sources:

• New Philosophical Encyclopedia
• Great Soviet Encyclopedia

In 1991, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) collapsed, with Russia as its successor. The ideological basis of the USSR was the goal of building communism - a classless society of free people who abandoned private property. Ideas preaching such a society originated in ancient times.

Where and when did the first communist doctrines arise?

The ideas of a just society without private property appeared in ancient Egypt, ancient Greece and some other regions. It is known that many elements of communism were, for example, among the Egyptian priests, Jewish prophets, Greek philosophers.

In their striving for universal equality, the then "communists" often went too far. So, for example, the ancient Greek sophists considered it necessary to share not only any property, but even wives and. Plato adhered to exactly the same. Such ideas were scathingly ridiculed by the famous playwright Aristophanes in his comedy Society of Women.

The well-known philosopher and mathematician Pythagoras was a supporter of communist ideas. He and his disciples lived in a large commune, all the property of which was jointly owned.

Communist ideas of the Middle Ages and beyond

In the 5th century, the teaching of Pelagius, a Christian, was widely spread, who argued that man is not sinful by nature and that the rich will not have access to the kingdom of God. Pelagius promoted the idea of ​​a complete rejection of property. In the XI-XIII centuries. in many European countries, the teachings of the Cathars spread, which contained many signs of communism.

At the end of the 15th century, the Bohemian Bohemian gained immense popularity, demanding the socialization of the whole land and compulsory labor even for the nobility and clergy. And in the 16th century, the English politician and philosopher Thomas More wrote the famous book "Utopia", where he depicted an ideal (in his opinion) society. The inhabitants of the island state of Utopia received everything they needed from the state, in exchange for a mandatory daily 6-hour work.

At the beginning of the 19th century, the English philanthropist Robert Owen began organizing communist communities, which, however, did not last long. And in 1848, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels issued the "Manifesto of the Communist Party", which proclaimed its goal the abolition of large private property and the construction of a proletarian state. Marx argued that the first stage in building a new just society would be socialism, and the second, highest stage would be communism.

On the basis of Marxism, new communist ideas appeared in the 20th century: Leninism, Trotskyism and Maoism, named after the names of their main ideologists.

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