In 1812, the Cortes issued the basic state law - the constitution, which proclaimed the independence of the Spanish nation and national sovereignty; all Spaniards were declared equal before the law, the colonies were equal in rights to the mother country, the slave trade was prohibited, the feudal privileges of landowners were abolished, and the Inquisition was abolished.
This was the first bourgeois-democratic constitution in Spain and at the same time the first in Europe. From the beginning of the 19th century. Spain experienced 5 revolutions, none of which were completed.
At the beginning of the 19th century, Spanish patriots put up heroic resistance to the French army; Napoleon was never able to break their will to fight. After the defeat of Napoleon's army at Vitoria (1813), King Ferdinand VII took the Spanish throne. He abolished the Cadiz Constitution and all the decrees of the Cortes, again surrounded himself with a camarilla, restored the Inquisition and began to rule as an absolute monarch. The fight against absolutism began again in the country. In 1820, a bourgeois revolution broke out in Spain, led by revolutionary Rafael Riego. But the revolution was suppressed with the help of foreign interventionists.
In April 1823, France, with the approval of the Holy Alliance, began a military intervention in Spain. By October 1823, the constitutional government, unable to organize the country's defense, capitulated, and King Ferdinand VII restored the absolute monarchy.
During the same period (20s of the 19th century), as a result of the national liberation movement in Latin America, Spain lost most of its American colonies (it retained only Cuba and Puerto Rico).
In the middle of the 19th century. There were endless wars between dynasties in the country, Great value for the development of capitalism in Spain, there were laws issued by liberals during the third Spanish revolution (1834-1843): they provided, in particular, for the nationalization and auction of church lands, and later the lands of peasant communities and municipalities. At the same time, the industrial revolution began in the country, and modern economic geography began to take shape. The first large textile factories appeared in Catalonia, metallurgical enterprises in the Basque Country and Asturias. In 1848 the first railway was built (Barcelona-Mataro).
The revolutionary events of 1854–1856 ended with the dispersal of the Cortes and the abolition of liberal laws. The next upsurge of the revolutionary movement, which began in 1868 with an uprising in the navy, forced Queen Isabella II to flee the country.
In economically backward Spain, the positions of anarchism were strong. In 1879, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party was created in the country, but for a long time it remained small and uninfluential.
This was followed by two more wars, called the Carlist wars, the overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of the first republic (1873-1874), when Spain decided to become a federal state. And finally, the Spanish-American War (1898), as a result of which Spain lost Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines. This defeat revealed the complete military and political decline of Spain. The days of the great empire were numbered.
During the First World War, Spain declared neutrality. This then contributed to some economic recovery. But the economic downturn post-war years exacerbated social problems. The anarcho-syndicalists, who gained a foothold in the working class environment of Catalonia, provoked a four-year strike movement in industry (1919–1923), accompanied by massive bloodshed.
The situation in the country required decisive action, and General Primo de Rivera established in 1923 military dictatorship. Resistance to the dictatorship increased in the late 1920s, and in 1930 Primo de Rivera was forced to resign. Alfonso XIII was accused of compromising with the dictatorship. In the municipal elections in April 1931, the Republicans won a decisive victory in all major cities. Even moderates and conservatives refused to support the monarchy, and on April 14, 1931, Alfonso XIII, without abdicating the throne, left the country.
Like many other European states, the Kingdom of Spain became the object of military-political aggression of the French Empire. The political farce played out by Napoleon, when he took on the role of arbiter in the dispute between Charles IV and his son Ferdinand VII, ended with the transfer of the throne to the brother of the French emperor Joseph. The Spaniards were “blessed” by a constitution developed under the dictation of foreigners - the Statute of Bayonne, in which the constitutional ideas of the times of the consulate and the empire of Napoleon were transferred to Spanish soil not mechanically, but taking into account the national specifics of the occupied country.Spain (Espana) is a state on the Iberian Peninsula.
At the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, Spain continued to be a class-based, hierarchical society. A third of the land area was under the direct jurisdiction of the crown; the rest of the territory was dominated by the seigneurial regime. The impetus for the political awakening of Spain was the war of independence against the Napoleonic invasion.
The secret pact between France and Spain at Fontainebleau in 1807 opened the way for French troops not only to Portugal, but also to Spain itself.
After the tragic events of May 2, 1808, when the first rebels were shot on the outskirts of Madrid, an uprising against Napoleon began.
A consequence of the War of Independence was the inclusion of Spain in the constitutional process: on May 19, 1812, a constitution was adopted by the Cadiz Cortes. Ferdinand VII, to whom victory over Napoleon returned the throne in 1814), abolished the constitution and all the Acts of the Cortes, prominent figures of the Cortes were thrown into prison or expelled from Spain. The Jesuits were returned to Spain and the Inquisition was restored.
Beginning in 1814, conspiracies followed one after another, led by heroes of the liberation war, but they all ended in failure. The conspiracy, led by Lieutenant Colonel Rafael Riego, met a different fate. The revolt began on January 1, 1820 in San Juan de Cabezas. On March 6, 1820, Madrid rebelled, and on March 7, Ferdinand VII recognized the constitution of 1812 and ordered the publication of a decree convening the Cortes. Thus began the “Constitutional Three Years” (1820-1823). The Cortes abolished the seigneurial regime, abolished internal customs, dissolved the guilds, and adopted the Criminal Code. This legislative activity left the majority of the rural population indifferent and even hostile. In 1821-1822 “juntas of faith” were created, and the city of La Seu de Urgell became the center of the absolutist counteroffensive. In 1822, the country was already engulfed in civil war. In 1823, in pursuance of the decision of the Verona Congress of the Holy Alliance, French invaders invaded Spain. The constitutionalists were defeated. Absolutism was restored.
Ferdinand VII died on September 29, 1833. His three-year-old daughter Isabella II became queen, and her mother Maria Christina became regent. On October 23, 1833, the king's brother Don Carlos called his supporters to arms. A civil war began, called the Carlist War. Spain was divided into absolutists and liberals who dreamed of a constitutional regime. During the Carlist war, which ended in 1840, a constitutional monarchy was established, which was enshrined in the constitution of 1837, reforms were carried out, the author of which was X. Mendisable.
Ferdinand VII.
Artist F. Goya. 1814
The military defeat of Carlism also had a flip side - the popularization of militarism. The real rulers of Spain were dictator generals: until 1843, B. Espartero, who relied on the progressives; from 1843 to 1868, with minor interruptions, R. Narvaez, who found support among the moderados (moderates).
During the 2nd third of the 19th century, class society collapsed, a new social elite was formed, and the church lost part of its wealth. But the legal destruction of the seigneurial regime was not sufficient for the successful development of capitalism - there was not enough investment.
On September 18, 1868, another pronunciamento deprived Isabella II of her throne. With her abdication, Spain entered a period of instability called the "Democratic Seven Years". The loss of the throne by Isabella II meant not so much a crisis of the monarchy as a crisis of the Bourbon dynasty. On November 16, 1870, on the recommendation of General Prim, Amadeus of Savoy was elected king: 191 deputies of the Cortes voted for him, 60 voted against. But the century of Amadeus I was short: on February 11, 1873, he abdicated the throne. On the same day, both chambers of Cortes, declaring themselves the National Assembly, proclaimed Spain a republic.
Several months of the republican regime left a memory as a time of civil unrest, a new Carlist war, and a continuous series of cantonal uprisings. The power of the center did not extend beyond Madrid. The presidents of the republic, outstanding thinkers and brilliant orators F. P-i-Margal, E. Figueras, N. Salmeron and E. Castelar were unable to cope with the shocks. K con. 1874 The agony of the republic became a fact.
On December 29, 1874, in Sagunto, military conspirators proclaimed Isabella II's son, Alfonso XII, king. The restoration was associated not so much with Alfonso XII as with A. Canovas del Castillo, and was supposed to be a synthesis of Spanish traditions and European progress. On May 24, 1876, a constitution was adopted, laying the foundations for political reconstruction. The “Canovas system” assumed a change in power between two parties: the liberal-conservative, headed by Canovas, and the liberal-constitutional, headed by M. Sagasta. But in the last quarter of the 19th century. Organizations were created that openly opposed themselves to the authorities - in 1879 the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party was established, headed by P. Iglesias for many decades, and in 1888 - the General Union of Workers.
Alphonse XII died in 1885, but his son Alphonse XIII was born six months later. The years of his regent mother's reign were tragic for Spain: in 1897, Canovas fell at the hands of a terrorist. In 1898, disaster struck: the Spanish-American War began, as a result of which Spain lost all its overseas possessions - Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Philippines - and ceased to be an empire.
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In 1807, French troops were introduced into Spain. Napoleon demanded that she sign a pact on joint military action against Portugal, which was supported by England. Within a few weeks, the Portuguese army was slain, and the King of Portugal and his court fled to Brazil.
Having occupied a number of important strategic points on Spanish territory, the French army, despite the protests of the Spanish government, was in no hurry to leave the country. This circumstance contributed to the growth of dissatisfaction with Godoy's rule. While the presence of French troops on the territory of the country caused fear and confusion among the ruling elite, who were ready to compromise with Napoleon, for the masses this was a signal to action.
On March 17, 1808, crowds of people attacked the Godoy Palace in the countryside royal residence of Aranjuez. The hated favorite managed to escape, but Charles IV had to abdicate in favor of Ferdinand VII. Having learned about the events in Spain, Napoleon decided to use them for his own purposes. Having lured first Ferdinand VII and then Charles IV to the French border city of Bayonne, Napoleon forced them to abdicate in favor of his brother Joseph Bonaparte.
By order of Napoleon, a deputation of representatives of the Spanish nobility, clergy, officials and merchants was sent to Bayonne. They drew up the so-called Bayonne Cortes, which developed the constitution of Spain. Power passed to Joseph Bonaparte, and some reforms were proclaimed. These reforms were of a very moderate nature, although for backward Spain they were a well-known step forward: the most burdensome feudal duties were eliminated, restrictions were eliminated economic activity, internal customs were destroyed, unified legislation was introduced, transparent legal proceedings were introduced, and torture was abolished. At the same time, the Inquisition was not completely abolished; the proclaimed voting rights were essentially a fiction. The Spanish did not accept the constitution imposed by the foreign invaders. They responded to French intervention with all-out guerrilla warfare. “...Napoleon, who - like all the people of his time - considered Spain a lifeless corpse, was very unpleasantly surprised when he became convinced that if the Spanish state was dead, then Spanish society was full of life, and in every part of it the forces of resistance were overflowing.”
Immediately after the French entered Madrid, an uprising broke out there: on May 2, 1808, the city's residents entered into an unequal battle with an army of 25,000 under the command of Marshal Murat. There were battles on the streets of the city for more than a day, the uprising was drowned in blood. Following this, uprisings began in other parts of Spain: Asturias, Galicia, Catalonia. Heroic pages were written in the struggle for the country's independence by the defenders of the capital of Aragon, Zaragoza, which the French were unable to take in 1808 and were forced to lift the siege.
In July 1808, the French army was surrounded by Spanish partisans and capitulated near the city of Bailena. Joseph Bonaparte and his government hastily evacuated from Madrid to Catalonia. The victory at Bailen was the signal for an uprising in Portugal, where English troops landed at that time. The French were forced to leave Portugal.
In November 1808, Napoleon moved his regular troops beyond the Pyrenees and himself led the invasion of the 200,000-strong French army. Advancing towards the capital of Spain, Napoleonic troops used scorched earth tactics. But partisan movement at this time the whole country was shaken. The people's war - guerrilla - was massive. The Spaniards acted in small guerrilla detachments, paralyzing the French regular army, which was accustomed to fighting according to all the rules of the art of war. Many events of this unequal struggle went down in history. Among them is the heroic defense of Zaragoza, in which the entire population, including women and children, took part. The second siege of the city lasted from December 1808 to February 1809. The French had to storm every house; Bullets and stones were flying at them from the roofs, and boiling water was pouring. Residents set fire to houses to block the enemy's path. Only an epidemic helped the French take the city, and it was completely destroyed.
But the national liberation struggle was characterized by a certain limitation: the Spaniards believed in a “good” monarch, and often the banners of patriots contained a call for the restoration of King Ferdinand VII to the throne.
This left its mark on the bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1808-1812, which began with the partisan war against Napoleon.
During the ensuing war against the invaders, local authorities emerged - provincial juntas. They put into practice some revolutionary measures: taxes on large property, indemnities from monasteries and the clergy, restrictions on the feudal rights of lords, etc.
There was no unity in the liberation movement. Along with the “liberals” who put forward demands for bourgeois reforms, there was a group of “Fernandists” who were supporters of maintaining the feudal-absolutist order after the expulsion of the French and the return of Ferdinand VII to the throne.
In September 1808, as a result of the revolution, a new government of the country was created - the Central Junta, consisting of 35 people. These were representatives of the highest strata of society - the aristocracy, clergy, senior officials and officers. Many of them had recently been ready to come to terms with the power of Joseph Bonaparte, but as the revolutionary movement of the masses grew and especially after the defeat of the French at Baylen, they hastened to join the liberation movement against Napoleon.
The activities of the Central Junta reflected the contradictions that existed in the patriotic camp.
Its right wing was headed by the eighty-year-old Count of Floridablanca, known for his reform activities at the end of the 18th century. Having been a supporter of liberal reforms in the past, he subsequently improved significantly. Having become the head of the Central Junta, he sought to limit the struggle to a war with the French and to prevent anti-feudal reforms. Acting as a defender of the absolute monarchy, Floridablanca directed its activities primarily towards suppressing revolutionary uprisings of the masses.
The second, more radical movement was led by the outstanding Spanish educator Gaspar Melchor Jovellanos, who put forward a program of bourgeois reforms, including agrarian ones.
To solve the problems facing the country, the Central Junta had to “... combine the solution of pressing issues and tasks of national defense with the transformation of Spanish society and with the emancipation of the national spirit...”
In fact, the leadership of the Central Junta devoted all its energy to tearing away liberation movement from the revolution. Precisely because the Central Junta was unable to fulfill its revolutionary mission, it was unable to protect the country from French occupation.
Napoleon's army captured most of Spain, including Seville, where the Central Junta met, which was forced to move to Cadiz, the last city not occupied by the French. However, the occupiers failed to extinguish the flames guerrilla warfare. Relatively small but numerous detachments, consisting of peasants, maintained close contact with the population; They were distinguished by great mobility, made bold forays, quickly moved to new areas, then breaking up into small groups, then uniting again. In 1809-1810 this tactic prevailed and allowed the Guerrillero guerrillas to keep entire provinces occupied by the French under their control.
In September 1810, new unicameral Cortes were convened in the city of Cadiz. The vast majority of members of the Cortes were priests, lawyers, high officials and officers. They included many leaders and progressive intellectuals who contributed to the development of the constitution adopted in 1812. It is important to note that the constitution was based on the principles of popular sovereignty and separation of powers. The monarch's prerogatives were limited to unicameral Cortes, which were convened on the basis of fairly broad suffrage. Men over 25 years of age took part in voting, with the exception of domestic servants and persons deprived of their rights by court.
The Cortes had the highest legislative power in the country. The king retained only the right of a suspensive veto: if the bill was rejected by the monarch, then it was returned to the Cortes for discussion and, if confirmed at two subsequent sessions, it finally came into force. The king nevertheless retained significant power: he appointed senior government officials and senior officers, declared war with the approval of the Cortes, and made peace. Following the constitution, the Cortes adopted a number of anti-feudal and anti-church decrees: feudal duties were abolished and feudal forms of rent were abolished, church tithes and other payments in favor of the church were eliminated, and the sale of part of church, monastic and royal properties was announced. At the same time, communal property was liquidated and the sale of communal lands began.
A number of Cortes activities were aimed at accelerating the development of capitalism in the country. The slave trade was prohibited, restrictions on economic activity were abolished, and a progressive income tax on capital was introduced.
At the time of the adoption of the constitution of 1812, the situation of the French occupying troops in the country became more complicated. In connection with the beginning of Napoleon's conquest in Russia in 1812, a significant part of the army stationed in Spain was sent there. Taking advantage of this, Spanish troops inflicted a series of crushing defeats on the French in 1812, and they were forced to first withdraw their troops across the Ebro River, and then completely leave Spanish territory in November 1813.
However, Napoleon made another attempt to keep the country in his hands. He entered into negotiations with Ferdinand VII, who was in captivity in France, and invited him to return to Spain and restore his rights to the throne. Ferdinand VII accepted this offer, pledging to maintain friendly relations with France. However, the Cortes, meeting in Madrid, refused to recognize Ferdinand as king until he swore allegiance to the constitution of 1812.
A struggle began between the Cortes and Ferdinand VII, who, having returned to Spain, gathered around himself supporters of the restoration of absolutism. Taking on the role of head of state, Ferdinand issued a manifesto declaring the constitution of 1812 invalid and all decrees of the Cortes annulled. The Cortes were dissolved, and the liberal ministers who were part of the government they created were arrested. In May 1814, Ferdinand VII arrived in Madrid and announced the final restoration of the absolute monarchy.
The first Spanish revolution was unfinished. After the return of Ferdinand VII to the country, the absolute monarchy was restored in Spain, reprisals followed against active participants in the revolution, the Inquisition was again completely restored, and former owners monastic, church and large secular land property.
The restoration of the old order in 1814 exacerbated socio-economic and political contradictions within Spanish society. The development of the capitalist structure required bourgeois reforms.
In the first decades of the 19th century. The number of cotton, silk, cloth, and iron manufactories increased. Catalonia became the largest center of manufacturing production. In Barcelona there were enterprises that employed up to 600-800 people. Workers employed in manufactories worked both in the master's workshops and at home. Manufacturing production also took root in the countryside: in Catalonia and Valencia, many landless peasants worked as laborers in the summer and worked in cloth factories in the winter.
Colonial trade occupied an important place in the Spanish economy. The interests of merchants and shipowners of Cadiz, Barcelona and other port cities were inextricably linked with it. Colonies in Latin America served as a market for the Spanish textile industry.
The development of capitalist relations in industry faced a number of obstacles. In Spain, internal customs duties, alcabala (medieval tax on trade transactions), and state monopolies were maintained; Numerous workshops continued to exist in the cities.
Feudal relations prevailed in the Spanish countryside. More than 2/3 of the cultivated land was in the hands of the nobility and the church. The system of majorates guaranteed the maintenance of the feudal lords' monopoly on land. Numerous feudal duties, taxes and church tithes lay a heavy burden on peasant farms. Holders paid land dues in cash or in kind; feudal lords continued to enjoy banal rights and other seigneurial privileges. Approximately half of the Spanish villages were under the jurisdiction of secular lords and the church.
Rising prices for bread and other products in the 18th century. contributed to the involvement of the nobility in domestic and colonial trade. In the northern regions of Spain, where various forms of feudal holding and semi-feudal lease were common, this process led to an increased pressure on the peasants by the lords. The nobles tried to increase existing duties and introduce new ones, to shorten the terms of tenure, which led to the gradual transformation of holders into tenants. Cases of seizure of communal lands by lords have become more frequent. The situation was different in Andalusia, Extremadura, New Castile - areas of large noble land ownership. Here, the involvement of nobles in trade caused a reduction in traditional small-peasant leases and the expansion of the lords' own economy, based on the use of labor of farm laborers and land-poor peasants. The penetration of capitalist relations into agriculture accelerated the stratification of the countryside: the number of land-poor and landless peasants increased, and a wealthy peasant elite emerged.
Rich merchants and entrepreneurs, wanting to strengthen their position, acquired the plots of ruined peasants and communal lands. Many bourgeois farmed out feudal duties and church tithes. The growth of bourgeois land ownership and the involvement of the bourgeoisie in the exploitation of the peasantry brought the top of the bourgeoisie closer to that part of the nobility that was most associated with trade. Therefore, the Spanish bourgeoisie, objectively interested in the elimination of feudalism, at the same time gravitated towards a compromise with the nobility.
The feudal-absolutist order, restored in 1814, caused sharp discontent among wide circles of the bourgeoisie, the liberal nobility, the military, and the intelligentsia. The economic weakness of the Spanish bourgeoisie and its lack of experience in political struggle led to the fact that it played a special role in the revolutionary movement in the first decades of the 19th century. the army began to play. The active participation of the military in the fight against the French invaders, the interaction of the army with partisan detachments contributed to its democratization and the penetration of liberal ideas into it. Patriotic officers began to realize the need for profound changes in the life of the country. The advanced part of the army made demands that reflected political interests bourgeoisie.
In 1814-1819 in the army environment and in many large cities - Cadiz, La Coruña, Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Granada - arose secret societies Masonic type. The participants in the conspiracies - officers, lawyers, traders, entrepreneurs - set themselves the goal of preparing a pronunciamiento - a coup d'etat carried out by the army - and establishing a constitutional monarchy. In 1814-1819 Attempts at similar performances have been made several times. The largest of them occurred in September 1815 in Galicia, where about a thousand soldiers took part in the uprising under the leadership of X. Diaz Porlier, a hero of the anti-Napoleonic war. Absolutism brutally dealt with the organizers of the uprising, officers and merchants of La Coruña. However, repression could not end the revolutionary movement.
The beginning of the revolution. The impetus for the start of the second bourgeois revolution in Spain was the war for the independence of the Spanish colonies in Latin America. This difficult and unsuccessful war for Spain led to the final discredit of absolutism and the growth of the liberal opposition. The center for the preparation of the new pronunciamiento was Cadiz, in the vicinity of which troops intended to be sent to Latin America were stationed.
On January 1, 1820, a revolt in the army began near Cadiz, led by Lieutenant Colonel Rafael Riego. Soon, troops under the command of A. Quiroga joined Riego’s detachment. The goal of the rebels was to restore the constitution of 1812.
Revolutionary troops tried to take Cadiz, but this attempt ended in failure. In an effort to gain the support of the population, Riego insisted on conducting a raid across Andalusia. Riego's detachment was pursued by royalist troops; By the end of the raid, only 20 people remained from a detachment of two thousand. But the news of Riego's uprising and campaign shook the whole country. At the end of February - beginning of March 1820, unrest began in the largest cities of Spain.
On March 6-7, people took to the streets of Madrid. Under these conditions, Ferdinand VII was forced to announce the restoration of the constitution of 1812, the convening of the Cortes, and the abolition of the Inquisition. The king appointed a new government consisting of moderate liberals - "moderados".
The outbreak of the revolution involved wide circles of the urban population in political life. In the spring of 1820, numerous “Patriotic Societies” were created everywhere, speaking out in support of bourgeois reforms. Entrepreneurs and traders, intellectuals, military men, and artisans participated in the activities of “Patriotic Societies,” which over time turned into political clubs. In total, during the years of the revolution there were more than 250 “Patriotic Societies” that played important role in political struggle. At the same time, national militia units were formed in the cities and took over the fight against counter-revolutionary forces. The troops that rebelled in the south of the country in January 1820 became part of the so-called army of observation, designed to protect the gains of the revolution; it was headed by R. Riego.
The predominant influence in the “surveillance army”, in the national militia and “Patriotic Societies” was enjoyed by the left wing of liberals - the “enthusiastic” (“exaltados”). Among the leaders of the “exaltados” were many participants in the heroic uprising in January 1820 - R. Riego, A. Quiroga, E. San Miguel. The Exaltados demanded a decisive struggle against supporters of absolutism and the consistent implementation of the principles of the Constitution of 1812, the expansion of the activities of the Patriotic Societies, and the strengthening of the national militia. In 1820-1822. The “exaltados” enjoyed the support of wide circles of the urban population.
The revolution also found a response in the villages. The Cortes received complaints from lords about peasants who had stopped paying duties; in some areas, peasants refused to pay taxes. In the fall of 1820, in the province of Avila, peasants tried to divide the lands of the Duke of Medinaceli, one of the largest Spanish fe-
Odalov. Unrest in the countryside brought the agrarian question to the forefront of political struggle.
The moderate liberals who came to power in March 1820 relied on the support of the liberal nobility and the top of the bourgeoisie. The "Moderados" won the elections to the Cortes, which opened in Madrid in June 1820.
The social and economic policy of the “moderados” favored the development of industry and trade: the guild system was abolished, internal customs duties and monopolies on salt and tobacco were abolished, and freedom of trade was proclaimed. In the fall of 1820, the Cortes decided to liquidate religious orders and close some monasteries. Their property became the property of the state and was subject to sale. Majorates were abolished - from now on the nobles could freely dispose of their land property. Many impoverished hidalgos began to sell their lands. The agrarian legislation "moderados" created the possibility of redistributing land property in favor of the bourgeoisie.
The solution to the issue of feudal duties turned out to be more difficult. The "Moderados" sought to compromise with the nobility; at the same time, unrest in the countryside forced bourgeois revolutionaries to meet the demands of the peasants. In June 1821, the Cortes passed a law abolishing seigneurial rights. The law abolished the legal and administrative power of seigneurs, banalities and other seigneurial privileges. Land duties were retained if the lord could document that the land cultivated by the peasants was his private property. However, Ferdinand VII, around whom the forces of feudal reaction rallied, refused to approve the law abolishing seigneurial rights, using the right of suspensive veto granted to the king by the constitution of 1812.
Fearing to come into conflict with the nobility, the “moderados” did not dare to violate the royal veto. The law abolishing seigneurial rights remained on paper.
The "Moderados" sought to prevent the deepening of the revolution and therefore opposed the intervention of the popular masses in the political struggle. Already in August 1820, the government disbanded the “surveillance army” and in October limited freedom of speech, press and assembly. These measures led to a weakening of the revolutionary camp, which played into the hands of the royalists. In 1820-1821 they organized numerous conspiracies to restore absolutism.
The dissatisfaction of the popular masses with the government's policies and its indecisiveness in the fight against the counter-revolution led to the discrediting of the "moderados". The influence of the exaltados, on the contrary, has increased. The people pinned their hopes on them for the continuation of revolutionary changes. At the end of 1820, a radical wing, called “comuneros,” separated from the “exaltados.” The participants in this movement considered themselves to be continuators of the struggle that was waged against the strengthening of royal power by the “comuneros” of the 16th century.
The support of the Comuneros movement was the urban lower classes. Sharply criticizing the moderate liberals, the “comuneros” demanded to cleanse the state apparatus of adherents of absolutism, restore democratic freedoms and the “surveillance army.”
But the movement of the urban lower classes during the years of the second bourgeois revolution had serious weaknesses. Firstly, monarchical illusions persisted among the “comuneros”, despite the fact that the king and his entourage were a stronghold of reactionary forces. Secondly, the comuneros movement was cut off from the peasantry, who made up the majority of the country's population. Although one of the leaders of the “comuneros”, Romero Alpuente, spoke in the Cortes demanding the elimination of all peasant duties, this movement as a whole did not fight in defense of the interests of the peasants.
At the beginning of 1822, the “exaltados” won the elections to the Cortes. R. Riego was elected chairman of the Cortes. In June 1822, the Cortes passed a law on wastelands and royal lands: half of this land was supposed to be sold, and the other was to be distributed among veterans of the anti-Napoleonic war and landless peasants. In this way, the “exaltados” tried to alleviate the situation of the most disadvantaged part of the peasants, without violating the fundamental interests of the nobility.
The shift to the left that took place in the country's political life provoked fierce resistance from the royalists. At the end of June - beginning of July 1822, clashes took place in Madrid between the royal guard and the national militia. On the night of July 6–7, the guards tried to capture the capital, but the national police, with the support of the population, defeated the counter-revolutionaries. The Moderados government, which sought reconciliation with the royalists, was forced to resign.
In August 1822, the exaltados government led by E. San Miguel came to power. The new government was more active in the fight against counter-revolution. At the end of 1822, the troops of General Mina - the legendary leader of the anti-Napoleonic guerrilla - defeated the counter-revolutionary gangs created by the royalists in the mountainous regions of Catalonia. While suppressing counter-revolutionary protests, the “exaltados” at the same time did nothing to deepen the revolution. The government of E. San Miguel actually continued the agrarian policy of moderate liberals. Liberal nobility and the elite of the bourgeoisie in 1820-1821. achieved their goals and were not interested in the further development of the revolution. The lack of radical socio-economic and political changes deprived the "exaltados" of the support of the popular masses; The Comuneros movement began to oppose the government.
Counter-revolutionary intervention and restoration of absolutism. Events of 1820-1822 showed that Spanish reaction could not independently suppress the revolutionary movement. Therefore, the Verona Congress of the Holy Alliance, which met in October 1822, decided to organize an intervention. In April 1823, French troops crossed the Spanish border. The disappointment of the peasant masses in the policies of liberal governments, the rapid increase in taxes, as well as the counter-revolutionary agitation of the clergy led to the fact that the peasants did not rise up to fight the interventionists.
In May 1823, when a significant part of the country was already in the hands of the interventionists, the “exaltados” decided to enact a law abolishing seigneurial rights. However, this belated step could no longer change the attitude of the peasants towards the bourgeois revolution. The government and the Cortes were forced to leave Madrid and move to Seville and then to Cadiz. Despite the heroic resistance of General Mina's army in Catalonia and Riego's troops in Andalusia, in September 1823 almost all of Spain found itself at the mercy of counter-revolutionary forces.
On October 1, 1823, Ferdinand VII signed a decree that repealed all laws passed by the Cortes in 1820-1823. Absolutism re-established itself in Spain, and the lands taken from it were returned to the church. The government began to persecute participants in the revolution. In November 1823, R. Riego was executed. The camarilla's hatred of the revolutionary movement reached the point that in 1830 the king ordered the closure of all universities, seeing them as a source of liberal ideas.
Attempts by Spanish absolutism to restore its power in Latin America were futile. By early 1826, Spain had lost all its colonies in Latin America, with the exception of Cuba and Puerto Rico.
Bourgeois revolution 1820-1823 was defeated. The bourgeois transformations of the liberals restored the feudal reaction against them both in Spain itself and beyond its borders. At the same time, the agrarian policy of the liberals alienated the peasants from the bourgeois revolution. Deprived of support from the masses, the bloc of the liberal nobility and the upper bourgeoisie was unable to repel the onslaught of feudal-absolutist forces.
Nevertheless, the revolution of 1820-1823. shook the foundations of the old order, preparing the ground for further development revolutionary movement. The events of the Spanish Revolution had big influence on the revolutionary processes in Portugal, Naples and Piedmont.
The victory of the feudal-absolutist forces in 1823 turned out to be fragile. The reactionary regime of Ferdinand VII could not stop the progressive development of capitalism. The industrial revolution that began in the 30s and 40s exacerbated the contradictions between the needs of developing capitalist relations and the preservation of the “old order.” The loss of most of the colonies in Latin America hit the interests of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie. The Spanish bourgeoisie, having lost colonial markets, began to more actively fight against feudal remnants that hindered the development of entrepreneurship and trade in Spain itself.
In 1823-1833 In Spain, secret societies re-emerged with the goal of overthrowing absolutism. Repeated attempts to carry out this task ended in failure due to the weak connection of the conspirators with the population. And yet, despite the constant persecution of liberals, the influence of opponents of absolutism among the bourgeoisie continued to grow.
At the same time, in the second half of the 20s, the forces of extreme reaction intensified in Spain. They accused Ferdinand VII of “weakness” and demanded to intensify terror against liberals and strengthen the position of the church. The most reactionary part of the nobility and clergy rallied around Ferdinand VII's brother, Carlos.
Ferdinand VII died in 1833. His young daughter was proclaimed heir Isabel, Regent - Queen Dowager Maria Christina. At the same time, Carlos made his claim to the Spanish throne. His supporters (they began to be called Carlists) started a civil war at the end of 1833. At first, the Carlists managed to win over part of the rural population of the Basque Country, Navarre, and Catalonia, using the religiosity of the peasants, as well as their dissatisfaction with the strengthening of centralism and the elimination of ancient local liberties - “fueros”. The motto of the Carlists became the words: “God and fueros!” Maria Christina was forced to seek support among the liberal nobility and bourgeoisie. Thus the dynastic conflict turned into an open struggle between feudal reaction and liberals.
In January 1834, a government of moderate liberals - "moderados" - was formed. Spain entered the period of the third bourgeois revolution (1834- 1843) .
Bourgeois transformations and political struggle in 1834-1840 Having come to power, the “moderados” began to implement reforms that would meet the interests of the elite of the bourgeoisie and the liberal nobility. The government abolished the workshops and proclaimed freedom of trade. Considering the 1812 constitution too radical, the “moderados” drafted the “Royal Statute” in 1834. In Spain, bicameral Cortes were created that had only advisory functions. A high property qualification was established for voters: out of the 12 million population of Spain, 16 thousand people received the right to vote.
The limited nature of the activities of the liberal government and its indecisiveness in the fight against Carlism caused sharp discontent among the petty bourgeoisie and the urban lower classes. By mid-1835, unrest gripped the largest cities - Madrid, Barcelona, Zaragoza; in the south of the country, power passed into the hands of revolutionary juntas, which demanded the restoration of the constitution of 1812, the destruction of monasteries, and the defeat of Carlism.
The scale of the revolutionary movement forced the "moderados" to give way in September 1835 to left-wing liberals, who later became known as "progressives" (the "progressives" replaced the "exaltados" on the left flank of the liberal movement). In 1835-1837 "progressive" governments carried out important socio-economic changes. The solution to the agrarian question took central place among them. “Progressives” abolished majorates and destroyed church tithes. Church lands were confiscated and their sale began; lands were sold at auction, most of them passed into the hands of the bourgeoisie and the bourgeois nobility. The bourgeoisie, who bought noble and church lands, increased rents and often drove peasants off the land, replacing them with large tenants. The growth of large bourgeois landownership strengthened the alliance between the bourgeoisie and the liberal nobility and pitted the bourgeoisie against the peasants. The “progressives” also passed a law that abolished seigneurial privileges, banalities and personal obligations. Land duties were preserved and were considered as a unique form of rent; this led to the gradual loss of ownership rights by the peasants and the transformation of former holders into tenants, and former lords into sovereign owners of the land. The agrarian policy of the third bourgeois revolution, which generally met the interests of large landowners, gave impetus to the development of capitalist relations in Spanish agriculture along the “Prussian” path.
In August 1836, the garrison of the royal estate of La Granja rebelled, the soldiers forced Maria Cristina to sign a decree restoring the constitution of 1812. However, the bourgeoisie and liberal nobility feared that the introduction of universal suffrage and the limitation of royal power in an atmosphere of revolutionary upsurge could turn against the ruling bloc . Therefore, already in 1837, liberals developed a new constitution, more conservative than the constitution of 1812. The property qualification gave the right to participate in elections to only 2.2% of the country's population. The Constitution of 1837 was a compromise between the "moderados" and the "progressives", who united in the struggle against the movement of the masses, on the one hand, and against Carlism on the other.
In the mid-30s, Carlism posed a formidable danger. Carlist troops carried out deep raids across Spain. However, by the end of 1837, a turning point occurred in the war, caused by the internal crisis of Carlism. Carlism found no supporters in the cities; Among the peasants of the Basque Country, Catalonia and Navarre, who initially supported the challenger, there was growing disillusionment with Carlism and a desire to end the war. In the summer of 1839, part of the Carlist troops laid down their arms; by mid-1840, the last Carlist troops were defeated.
The end of the Carlist war meant the defeat of the feudal-absolutist reaction.
With the end of the Carlist War, the threat of the restoration of the old order was eliminated, which led to an intensification of contradictions between the "moderados" and the "progressives". Their confrontation resulted in a protracted political crisis, which ended in October 1840 with the abdication of Maria Christina. Power passed into the hands of one of the leaders of the “progressives” - General B. Espartero, who in 1841 was proclaimed regent. In 1840-1841 Espartero enjoyed the support of the masses, who saw in him a hero of the war against Carlism, a defender and continuer of the revolution. But Espartero did not carry out radical socio-economic and political changes; his policies alienated the peasants and urban masses from him. The preparation of a trade treaty with England, which opened Spanish markets to English textiles, led to a conflict between the industrial bourgeoisie and the government. Finally, the banning of the Barcelona textile workers' association deprived Espartero's dictatorship of the support of artisans and workers.
By the beginning of 1843, a bloc of heterogeneous political forces had formed that sought to end Espartero's rule. In the summer of 1843, the Espartero dictatorship was overthrown, and by the end of 1843, power in the country again passed into the hands of the “moderados”.
The third bourgeois revolution in Spain, unlike the first two, which were defeated, ended in a compromise between the old landowning aristocracy and the bloc of the liberal nobility and the top of the bourgeoisie. Majorates, seigneurial rights of the nobility, and guilds, abolished during the third bourgeois revolution, were not restored. At the same time, church lands that had not yet been sold were returned to the church. A compromise was also reached in the political sphere: a relative balance was established between the “absolutists,” who enjoyed the patronage of royal power, and the “moderados.” In 1845, a new constitution came into force, drawn up in the form of amendments to the constitution of 1837 (the property qualification was increased, the powers of the Cortes were curtailed, and the rights of royal power were increased).
In general, by the middle of the 19th century. Great changes have taken place in Spanish society. Three bourgeois revolutions eliminated some of the feudal remnants and created opportunities (albeit limited) for the development of capitalist relations in industry and agriculture. At the same time, a number of problems of the bourgeois revolution were not resolved, which prepared the way for subsequent bourgeois revolutions.
In the middle of the 19th century. The industrial revolution unfolded in Spain, which began in the 30s. The first industry to switch to machine production was the cotton industry of Catalonia. By the beginning of the 60s, hand spinning wheels were completely forced out of production. In the 1930s, the first steam engines were installed in textile factories in Barcelona. Following the cotton industry, machines were used in the production of silk and woolen fabrics.
In the middle of the 19th century. The restructuring of ferrous metallurgy began: the puddling process was introduced, the use of coal and coke expanded. The reconstruction of metallurgy led to the rapid development of this industry in Asturias, which had large deposits of coal, and in the Basque Country, rich in iron ore. Coal production grew rapidly, iron ore and non-ferrous metals, foreign capital began to play an important role in this. In 1848, Spain's first railway line, Barcelona - Mataro, opened. By the end of the 60s, railways connected Madrid with the largest cities in the country; their length was about 5 thousand km.
However, the beginning of the industrial revolution did not eliminate Spain's lag behind the advanced capitalist countries. Most of the machinery and equipment for Spanish industry was imported from abroad. Foreign capital dominated railroad construction and played a large role in the mining industry. Small and medium-sized enterprises predominated in the country. Spain's industrial lag was explained primarily by the persistence of feudal remnants in agriculture, which hampered the development of the domestic market. The industry also suffered from a lack of capital, since in Spain the bourgeoisie preferred to invest it in the purchase of church lands sold during the revolutions and in government loans.
The transition to factory production was accompanied by the ruin of artisans, increased unemployment, and deterioration of working and living conditions for workers. The working day of Asturian metallurgists, for example, reached 12-14 hours. The formation of the industrial proletariat gave impetus to the development of the labor movement. In the early 1940s, Catalan workers staged a series of strikes demanding higher wages. Despite persecution by the authorities, the first professional organizations of workers arose and “mutual aid funds” were created. Various socialist ideas (Fourier, Cabet, Proudhon) became widespread among workers and artisans.
Population growth (from the end of the 18th century to 1860, the population of Spain increased by approximately one and a half times, reaching 15.6 million people) and urban development increased the demand for agricultural products. The sown areas expanded, and the gross harvest of grain, grapes, and olives increased. The advent of railways contributed to the growth of the marketability of agriculture and the development of its specialization. At the same time, new agricultural technology was introduced in Spain very slowly, which was due to socio-economic relations in the Spanish countryside.
The third bourgeois revolution not only did not solve the problem of latifundism and peasant land shortage, but, on the contrary, aggravated it. In the southern and central regions country, small peasant rent was replaced by the own farms of large landowners, based on the use of day labor. In Catalonia, Galicia, Asturias, and Old Castile, the process of gradual transformation of peasant holders into tenants continued. The restructuring of agriculture on a capitalist basis proceeded slowly and was accompanied by land dispossession and impoverishment of the peasant masses, the transformation of peasants into farm laborers with allotments and powerless tenants.
The further development of capitalism, which took place in the conditions of incomplete bourgeois transformations, aggravated all social contradictions in the early 50s. The Industrial Revolution led to the ruin of the mass of artisans, a decrease in workers' wages, an intensification of the work of factory workers, and an increase in the number of unemployed. The tax increase caused widespread outrage. The growth of capitalism strengthened the economic position of the bourgeoisie, which was no longer satisfied with the terms of the compromise established as a result of the third bourgeois revolution. In bourgeois circles, there was growing dissatisfaction with corruption and budget deficits, which threatened the payment of interest on government loans; alarm was caused by the revival of the reaction, which was hatching plans to restore the majorates and revise the constitution of 1845. Under these conditions, not only the “progressives” - the largest opposition force in 1843-1854, but also the “moderados” came out against the government. The army again moved to the forefront of political life.
In June 1854, a group of opposition generals led by O'Donnel called for the overthrow of the government. In an effort to gain popular support, the military demanded the removal of the camarilla, strict enforcement of laws, lower taxes, and the creation of a national militia. The uprising in the army gave impetus to the revolutionary movement in the cities, went beyond the goals that the leaders of the pronunciamiento set for themselves. In July 1854, popular uprisings broke out in Barcelona, Madrid, Malaga, and Valencia, with artisans and workers actively participating in them. Revolutionary juntas arose locally, led by “progressives.” Under the pressure of popular uprisings, at the end of July, a government was formed headed by the leader of the “progressives” - Espartero; the post of Minister of War was taken by O'Donnell, representing the "moderados".
In an attempt to reduce the budget deficit, the government decided to confiscate and sell church lands. Lands in the hands of peasant communities were also confiscated and put on sale. Almost all of the sold land passed into the hands of the bourgeoisie, officials, and the bourgeoisized nobility, which led to the further strengthening of the alliance between the nobles and the top of the bourgeoisie. The sale of communal lands, which began in 1855, continued until the end of the 19th century. It caused enormous damage to peasant farms, depriving them of pastures and forests, and accelerated the process of stratification of the peasantry. The massive ruin of the peasants provided cheap labor for the latifundia, which were being rebuilt on a capitalist basis. The agrarian policy of the fourth bourgeois revolution caused sharp discontent in the countryside. In the summer of 1856, a peasant movement developed in Old Castile, which was brutally suppressed.
The government of Espartero-O'Donnel restored the national militia and convened the Cortes. In 1855-1856, laws were issued to encourage railway construction, the creation of new enterprises and banks. Government policies promoted the growth of entrepreneurial initiative and the attraction of foreign capital.
During the revolution, the labor movement intensified. Its center was Catalonia, the country's largest industrial region. In mid-1854, a labor organization“Union of classes” (classes meant workers of various professions), which aimed to fight for higher wages and shorter working hours. Under her leadership, a number of strikes were carried out, workers achieved an increase in wages.
At the beginning of 1855, the factory owners went on the offensive: mass lockouts began. In the spring of 1855, the authorities brought the leader of the labor movement, X. Barcelo, to trial on false charges; he was executed. On July 2, 1855, workers in several factories around Barcelona went on strike; by July 5, all enterprises in Barcelona and its industrial belt had stopped. The strikers sought the right to create associations, establish a 10-hour working day, and improve working conditions. Faced with a general strike in Barcelona, the government resorted to "carrot and stick" tactics: troops were sent into working-class neighborhoods of Barcelona on July 9, while Espartero promised to allow all workers' organizations and limit the working hours of children and adolescents. After the strike ended, the government broke its promises.
As the workers' and peasants' movement developed, the big bourgeoisie and liberal nobility moved into the camp of counter-revolution. The suppression of the revolutionary struggle was undertaken by the Minister of War O'Donnell. On July 14, 1856, he provoked the resignation of Espartero and dissolved the Cortes. This step caused an explosion of indignation in Madrid: workers, artisans, and small traders rose up in an uprising. At first, it was supported by the bourgeois national militia. For three days, the people waged an armed struggle against the army. On July 16, the uprising was suppressed. Having won a victory over the revolutionary forces, O'Donnell's government suspended the sale of church lands and dissolved the national militia.
Revolution 1854-1856 ended with a new compromise between the nobility and the big bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie was able to increase their land holdings by robbing the peasant community. The deterioration of the situation of the peasants led to an increase in peasant uprisings. The largest of these was the revolt that broke out in Andalusia in June 1861, led by the Republicans. About 10 thousand armed peasants tried to seize and divide the estates of the latifundists. The government mercilessly suppressed peasant revolts.
The compromise between the nobility and the big bourgeoisie was reflected in political life. The 1845 Constitution was retained. After the revolution of 1854-1856. Two blocs emerged: the Conservatives and the Liberal Union. The Conservatives, led by General Narvaez, represented the interests of large landowners and nobles. The liberal union relied on the support of the bourgeois nobility and the top of the bourgeoisie; General O'Donnell became its leader. In 1856-1868, O'Donnell's government was in power three times and was replaced by the Narvaez government three times.
The progressive development of capitalism increased the economic influence of the bourgeoisie, which more and more decisively laid claim to political power. By the end of 1867 - beginning of 1868, a bloc of bourgeois parties had formed, which included the Liberal Union, “progressives,” and republican groups. The leaders of the bloc relied on a military coup.
In September 1868, a squadron rebelled in Cadiz. The organizers of the pronunciamiento promised to convene constituent cortes and introduce universal suffrage. The uprising in Cadiz caused a wide response: in Madrid and Barcelona the people seized arsenals; The creation of detachments of “freedom volunteers” began everywhere. Queen Isabella fled Spain.
The new government included representatives of the “progressives” and the Liberal Union, power passed into the hands of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisified nobility. Under pressure from the popular masses, the government restored universal suffrage and bourgeois-democratic freedoms. In the late 60s and early 70s, the government implemented measures that stimulated the development of trade and industry. The financial system was streamlined, a new customs tariff was adopted, and the concession of Spain's mining wealth began. The authorities confiscated the remaining church property and began selling it off.
In the elections to the founding Cortes, held in January 1869, the monarchist parties - the “progressives” and the Liberal Union - won. At the same time, 70 seats out of 320 were won by Republicans. By June 1869, the development of a new constitution was completed. Spain was proclaimed a constitutional monarchy, a bicameral parliament was formed on the basis of universal male suffrage. The Constitution of 1869 enshrined the basic bourgeois-democratic freedoms, including freedom of conscience.
Wide circles of the petty and middle bourgeoisie, intellectuals, and workers opposed the preservation of the monarchy. In the summer and autumn of 1869, massive republican demonstrations took place in major cities. In Catalonia, Valencia and Aragon, the movement reached such a scale that the government was able to suppress it only with the help of the army. Having defeated the Republicans, the “progressives” and the Liberal Union began the search for a king for Spain. After a long struggle, which involved the governments of a number of European countries, at the end of 1870, the son of the Italian king was proclaimed king of Spain. Amadeo of Savoy.
The most reactionary part of the nobility and clergy took advantage of the dynastic complications, which again rallied around the Carlist pretender. The Basque Country and Navarre became the support of Carlism, whose population pinned their hopes on Carlism for the restoration of ancient local liberties - “fueros”. In 1872, the Carlists unleashed a civil war in the north of the country.
By the beginning of 1873, the position of the ruling bloc had become extremely unstable. Despite the repressions, the republican movement expanded and the influence of sections of the First International grew. The north of the country was engulfed in the Carlist war. The deepening political crisis forced King Amadeo to abdicate the throne. Under pressure from the popular masses, the Cortes February 11, 1873 Spain was declared a republic.
In June 1873, a prominent figure in the republican movement, a supporter of the ideas of petty-bourgeois utopian socialism, became the head of the government Francisco Pi i Margal. The Pi-i-Margal government planned to carry out a number of democratic changes, including changing the conditions for the sale of church land in favor of peasants, abolishing slavery in the colonies, and limiting the working day of children and adolescents. The Cortes developed a republican federalist constitution that provided broad self-government to all regions of Spain. The reforms proposed by Pi i Margal represented a program for deepening the bourgeois-democratic revolution; the implementation of this program would lead to an improvement in the situation of workers.
However, the projects developed by Pi-i-Margal were not implemented due to the aggravation of contradictions within the republican camp. The group of “irreconcilables,” based on the middle and petty provincial bourgeoisie, demanded the immediate division of the country into many small autonomous cantons. In July 1873, the “irreconcilables,” taking advantage of the revolutionary sentiments of the popular masses, raised uprisings in the cities of Andalusia and Valencia. The Bakuninists, seeing the struggle against the Pi-i-Margal government as a path to the destruction of the state, supported the “irreconcilables.” Thus, they involved part of the proletariat in a movement alien to the interests of the workers. By mid-July 1873 southern regions Spain found itself in the hands of the “irreconcilable”; In the north, meanwhile, the Carlist war continued.
The uprisings raised by the “irreconcilables” and the Bakuninists forced the Pi i Margal government to resign. The moderate bourgeois republicans who replaced him suppressed the uprisings in the south of the country and brutally dealt with both the “irreconcilables” and the labor movement.
The Spanish bourgeoisie, frightened by the scale of the revolutionary movement, switched to counter-revolutionary positions. Impact force The army became the counter-revolution. On January 3, 1874, the military, having dispersed the Cortes, carried out a coup d'état. The new government began preparations for the restoration of the monarchy. In December 1874, Isabella's son was proclaimed king. Alphonse XII. Thus ended the fifth bourgeois revolution. In 1876, the Carlist War ended with the defeat of the Carlists.
The cycle of bourgeois revolutions that shook Spain in 1808-1874 destroyed many feudal remnants that stood in the way of the development of capitalism. The close connection of the bourgeoisie with large landowners, its fear of the peasant movement, determined the absence of an alliance between the bourgeoisie and the peasantry; this encouraged bourgeois revolutionaries to seek support in the army. In the 19th century The Spanish army, together with the noble-bourgeois bloc, fought against feudalism and at the same time suppressed the movement of the masses who sought to deepen the bourgeois revolution.
Revolutions of the 19th century They abolished majorates, seigneurial jurisdiction, but they not only did not destroy large noble landownership, but, on the contrary, strengthened it. The peasant holders were deprived of ownership rights to their land, the owners of which were recognized as former lords. All this created the preconditions for the development of capitalism in agriculture along the “Prussian” path. This path (while preserving feudal remnants in the countryside until the 30s of the 20th century) led to a slow pace of economic development, massive impoverishment and ruin of peasant farms, and the cruelest exploitation of farm laborers and small-land peasants by large landowners.
The preservation of noble land ownership led to the fact that after five bourgeois revolutions, large landowners - the nobles - continued to play the leading role in the political life of the country. The commercial and industrial bourgeoisie did not achieve full political power and acted in the political arena only as a junior partner of the nobility. Thus, the bourgeois revolution in Spain remained unfinished.
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