FBK published an investigation into the luxury real estate of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. The secret empire of Dmitry Medvedev

The publication and video report talk about several estates in Russia and abroad. All material was published on the website of the opposition politician. Here are our favorites.

“It was a huge job, and at first we were not at all sure that it could be done on our own. But we did. We found and filmed (!!!) all the residences in Russia and abroad, found the damn elusive yachts and scrupulously used geotags, photos from Instagram and archival records to establish where and who sailed on them. They were hiding from the FSO guarding the facilities. We spent hundreds of man-hours analyzing social networks and looking for the necessary photos. They shoveled through offshore documentation. We looked at domain names. We literally looked at every photo of the main character for a year to find the right sneakers and shirts (that’s where it all started). We went to Tuscany to photograph vineyards, and to the Kursk region to photograph cows.

...I am proud to present the largest FBK investigation done to date.

And perhaps most important politically: we are talking about the second person in the country. Prime Minister and former President of Russia. Putin’s main and permanent partner, his most trusted person, he was not afraid to hand over the country to him for four years.

He's not your Dimon. He is a serious corrupt guy.

Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev is not at all the harmless and comic character he seems to be. Don’t let sleep at meetings, badminton, or a passion for gadgets deceive you.

This is a very cunning and greedy person, clearly slightly obsessed with residences and luxury real estate and, for the sake of owning them, created one of the largest corruption schemes in the country. And, we must give him his due, one of the most sophisticated.

We found, described and documented the existence of a network of charitable and non-profit foundations organized by Medvedev's proxies and relatives. The word “charitable” should not confuse: the only recipients of “help” here are Medvedev and his family.

They use the funds to receive “donations” (read: bribes) from oligarchs and state-controlled banks and spend the funds on the purchase of palaces, yachts and vineyards in Russia and abroad.

And yes - it's very clever. Who owns, for example, Medvedev’s secret dacha in Plyos, about which we did a big investigation? Formally, no one. A charitable organization - the Gradislav Foundation, which means there is not even individuals- the ultimate owners, because the property of a non-profit organization ultimately belongs only to it, and not even to its founders.

In fact, everyone understands: the dacha belongs to Medvedev. She is protected by the FSO. The service department is located there. There is even an official no-fly zone above the Plyos dacha.

That is, the corruption scheme is based on the creation of a charitable organization with a reliable person (classmate, relative) at the head. After which you can safely pump the organization with money and buy palaces-yachts with it, without fear that someone will poke it in your face with a piece of paper where your name is in the “owner” column.

There’s just one problem: there can’t be too many reliable people. If there are a small number of people involved in organizing, funding and managing a bunch of charities, main feature which is the ownership of the property of Prime Minister Medvedev, then everything becomes clear: this is corruption.

Starting with these cheerful sneakers, we established and documented the entire corruption empire of Dmitry Medvedev, the funds that make up it, and his closest confidants.

These are bribes from the oligarchs Usmanov and Mikhelson;

Money from Gazprombank, which has been seen many times before to act as a “wallet” to cover the expenses of high-ranking officials;

Transfers from other companies (for example, a subsidiary of Bashneft).

This money was used to build, buy and maintain

Medvedev’s family estate and agricultural complex in Mansurovo:

Mountain residence "Psekhako" in Sochi:

Vineyards in Anapa and Tuscany:

Milovka, which we showed earlier:

And much more, which we talk about in our investigation. In its video version. And in its detailed text version with all the documents.

Here I will briefly talk about only one episode, which is enough to send both Medvedev and Usmanov to the dock.

This is the second chapter of our story. A very good example of how these people are not shy at all.

This is the Rublev residence owned by Medvedev. One of the most expensive objects in the Moscow region. Costs about 5 billion rubles. Formally, it belongs to the Sotsgosproekt foundation, which is completely identical to the DAR foundation, to which Milovka, Medvedev’s dacha in Plyos, is registered.

Do you know how this object worth 5 billion ended up in Medvedev’s possession?

Alisher Burkhanovich Usmanov, one of the richest oligarchs in Russia with a fortune of $12.5 billion, simply donates both land and a mansion to Medvedev’s foundation.

What should I call it? That's right: a bribe.

That's what we call it in our crime report. And in general, this whole investigation of ours, both as a whole and broken down into episodes, will be turned into statements of crimes.”

A trifle. Just a funny little thing like sneakers or a shirt with a bright pattern can betray even the most sophisticated corrupt official and become the starting point for exposing him.

This happened in our history too.

Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev has created the image of an official whom no one takes seriously. His most odious statements evoke ridicule in society rather than anger. They treat him with leniency, because at least he doesn’t seem like an outright villain.

Even after FBK declassified his secret dacha in Plyos - one of the most expensive properties we have ever filmed - the opinion about him did not fundamentally change. Everyone still considers him an eccentric who was out of place, weak-willed, but essentially a good person, a lover of funny gadgets, not palaces.

Today we will tell you how wrong everyone was. Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev is not at all a funny eccentric who should be laughed at. He is the creator and head of a huge, multi-level corruption scheme. Leader of the ruling party United Russia“owns real estate throughout the country, he owns huge tracts of land in the most elite areas, he manages yachts, apartments in old mansions, agricultural complexes and wineries in Russia and abroad.

All this property was acquired with bribes from oligarchs and loans from state banks.

The Prime Minister and his trusted people created a criminal scheme based not on offshore companies, as is often the case, but on non-profit foundations. This is a very clever solution. The real owner of the assets is almost impossible to trace because, once recorded on charities, they, in fact, do not belong to anyone. Medvedev’s property is managed by his friends, classmates and proxies. The structure of this criminal scheme is so complex that it took us several months to describe it, and it is unknown how we would have proven Medvedev’s involvement in it, but here we were lucky.

Former President, the current prime minister and owner of colossal corruption assets was given... ordinary sneakers.

Chapter first

in which we tell how Medvedev gave a dacha to himself, and also get acquainted with the prime minister's main confidant

The ancient Milovka estate in Ples, owned by Dmitry Medvedev, is already known to everyone from our previous investigation. Medvedev himself (through his press secretary) denies his involvement in the Plyos dacha, despite numerous photographs, testimonies of local residents and even officials. Representatives of the Prime Minister claim that the estate is not under the protection of the FSO, although its official unit is located not just in Plyos, but directly in Milovka, moreover, it is the presidential security service, which protects Medvedev. A no-fly zone has been established over Milovka - there is no reason for this, except for one: the dacha in Ples is the residence of Dmitry Medvedev.

We will dwell on this residence again, since it is one of the most important elements of Medvedev’s scheme. Starting with her, we will connect his other assets into a single corruption network.

FBK has already shown what the estate looks like: on its territory there is a reconstructed 18th-century mansion, a modern house with a swimming pool and outbuildings. Milovka has three helipads, a ski slope and a yacht pier. The land and the houses on it were initially registered with the “Dar” fund.

Fund for regional non-profit projects "Dar" - enough well-known organization, closely associated with Medvedev. This fund is one of the richest in Russia.

The media have repeatedly written about Dar’s connections with Svetlana Medvedeva’s Foundation for Social and Cultural Initiatives (FSCI) - for example, they have common founders and addresses.

The chairman of the supervisory board of the Dar Foundation is the vice-president of Gazprombank, Medvedev’s classmate, friend and business partner Ilya Eliseev. He is the prime minister's most trusted confidant, manages his assets and binds together the extensive scheme of Medvedev's holdings. We will mention Eliseev more than once in our investigation.

In 2014, “Dar” transferred the ownership of “Milovka” to another foundation - the Gradislava Foundation for the Preservation of Cultural and Historical Heritage (in the diagram). This structure has nothing to do with cultural and historical heritage. The independent Gradislava Foundation does not exist at all - it is a backup, invented by Dar employees in order to more carefully hide the presence of Prime Minister Medvedev’s dacha worth more than 20 billion rubles.

The director of Gradislava, Ivan Karabinsky, is actually an employee of the Dar Fund with a corporate email on the domain darfund.ru.

We see another argument in the extract from the real estate register. It says that “Dar” simply donated the old manor to “Gradislava”. It is impossible to imagine that a non-profit foundation could so easily give away an old manor of such value to an outside organization.

“The leader of the ruling United Russia party owns real estate throughout the country. He owns huge tracts of land in the most elite areas, he manages yachts, apartments in old mansions, agricultural complexes and wineries in Russia and abroad,” says the investigation of the Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK). The head of the fund, Alexei Navalny, claims that Medvedev bought all his secret property with bribes from oligarchs and loans from state banks.

According to FBK, the criminal scheme is based on non-profit foundations that de jure own property. De facto, it is controlled by “Medvedev, his friends, classmates and confidants.” It took Navalny and his team several months to investigate the “secret empire of the prime minister.”

“It is not known how we would have proved Medvedev’s involvement in it, but here we were lucky. The former president, current prime minister and owner of colossal corruption assets was given... ordinary sneakers,” the investigation says.

In 2014, hackers from the Humpty Dumpty group. They gained access to his and many other data, including access to three of Medvedev's mailboxes. With one of them [email protected], FBK took a closer look.

The foundation found letters with information about clothes and shoes that Medvedev ordered from online stores, and found photographs in which the prime minister was wearing exactly these clothes and shoes. Including, he was photographed wearing those purchased through [email protected] Nike sneakers in Vietnam.

According to Navalny, the Prime Minister used this address to make purchases in online stores. At the same time, the orders were delivered not to the prime minister himself, but to his trusted businessman Vladimir Dyachenko, who had previously denied his connection with the politician. According to Navalny, Dyachenko also serves Medvedev’s secret assets.

Two Dyachenko companies operate at the address to which online stores deliver clothes for the Prime Minister. “Promtekhinvest,” which, according to Navalny, “serves the secret palaces of Medvedev,” and “Tekhinpro,” which, according to the oppositionist, holds shares in the business owned by Medvedev.

Promtekhinvest is registered in a country residence with several houses in the village of Znamenskoye on Rublevskoye Shosse, which FBK valued at five billion rubles. According to documents, it belongs to the charitable foundation “Socially Significant State Projects” (“Sotsgosproekt”). It is led by the deputy head of Gazprombank, Medvedev’s classmate Ilya Eliseev. Navalny calls the businessman “the prime minister’s most trusted confidante.”

Eliseev heads the Dar charity foundation. Until recently, Medvedev’s secret dacha in Plyos, about which, was recorded in this fund. Then it turned out that the residence, the size of three Kremlins, had three helipads, a 1775 estate, a ski slope and other buildings.

Navalny also found Medvedev’s Psekhako estate in Sochi, which was being built as an Olympic facility. The oppositionist claims that Psekhako has never hosted guests of the Olympics, but in the area with big house The Prime Minister relaxes with a spa complex. This is evidenced by photographs from his Instagram.

The cost of the estate was estimated at seven billion rubles. The architecture of the mountain residence is similar to the architecture of the estate in Znamensky. It is also registered for a charitable foundation - “Winter Winter Support Fund” Olympic events sport", which is also headed by Eliseev.

In addition, FBK found Medvedev’s family estate in the village of Mansurovo in Kursk region, where his grandfather and father were born. Locals told FBK that the Prime Minister visits the Mansurovo estate. Thanks to this, roads in the village were repaired and gas was installed. The residence belongs to the Mansurovo agricultural complex, which is also headed by Eliseev. In one of his interviews, he said that Medvedev visits the estate.

In the Kursk region there is another agricultural holding, indirectly owned by Medvedev, FBK said. The Seim-agro company is owned by the prime minister's cousin Andrei. He established Seim-agro together with Kurskpromteplitsa LLC, which is wholly owned by the Sotsgosproekt foundation, which is headed by Eliseev. De jure, all the prime minister’s Kursk assets are owned by Tekhinpro CJSC, to whose address Medvedev’s online purchases are delivered.

FBK also found Medvedev’s “Rocky Coast” vineyard in Anapa, two yachts registered offshore, a vineyard and a castle in Italian Tuscany, and a pre-revolutionary mansion in St. Petersburg, which was restored into an elite club house with 29 apartments. Some have their own car lifts, as well as indoor pools, spas and antique fretwork. The house is partly owned by the Dar Foundation, headed by the same Eliseev.

Oligarchs Leonid Mikhelson and Leonid Simanovsky donated 33 billion rubles to this fund. And Gazprombank, where Eliseev works as deputy chairman of the board, issued a loan of 11 billion rubles to the Dara management company, Orion LLC. Others gave Daru a loan of about 20 billion rubles financial institutions, says Navalny.

More details about the investigation and the documents referred to by the FBK can be found on the website “He’s not Dimon for you.”

He's not Dimon for you

It was a huge job, and at first we were not at all sure that it could be done on our own. But we did. We found and filmed (!!!) all the residences in Russia and abroad, found the damn elusive yachts and scrupulously used geotags, photos from Instagram and archival records to establish where and who sailed on them. They were hiding from the FSO guarding the facilities. We spent hundreds of man-hours analyzing social networks and looking for the necessary photos. They shoveled through offshore documentation. We looked at domain names. We literally looked at every photo of the main character for a year to find the right sneakers and shirts (that’s where it all started). We went to Tuscany to photograph vineyards, and to the Kursk region to photograph cows.

Damn, we even bought the rights to the song by the group “Combination” to make this movie more fun for you to watch.

Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev is not at all the harmless and comic character he seems to be. Don't let it deceive you sleeping in meetings , badminton, or passion for gadgets.

This is a very cunning and greedy person, clearly slightly obsessed with residences and luxury real estate and, for the sake of owning them, created one of the largest corruption schemes in the country. And, we must give him his due, one of the most sophisticated.

We found, described and documented the existence of a network of charitable and non-profit foundations organized by Medvedev's proxies and relatives. The word “charitable” should not confuse: the only recipients of “help” here are Medvedev and his family.

They use the funds to receive “donations” (read: bribes) from oligarchs and state-controlled banks and spend the funds on the purchase of palaces, yachts and vineyards in Russia and abroad.

And yes - it's very clever. Who owns, for example, Medvedev’s secret dacha in Plyos, about which we did a lot of research? Formally, no one. The charitable organization is the Gradislav Foundation, which means there are not even individuals who are the ultimate owners, because the property non-profit organization ultimately belongs only to her, and not even to her founders.

In fact, everyone understands: the dacha belongs to Medvedev. She is protected by the FSO. The service department is located there. There is even an official no-fly zone above the Plyos dacha.

That is, the corruption scheme is based on the creation of a charitable organization with a reliable person (classmate, relative) at the head. After which you can safely pump the organization with money and buy palaces-yachts with it, without fear that someone will poke it in your face with a piece of paper where your name is in the “owner” column.

There’s just one problem: there can’t be too many reliable people. If there are a small number of individuals involved in the organization, financing and management of a bunch of charitable foundations, the main feature of which is the ownership of the property of Prime Minister Medvedev, then everything becomes clear: this is corruption.

Starting with these fun colored sneakers,

we have established and documented the entire corruption empire of Dmitry Medvedev, the funds that make up it, and his closest confidants.

This
— bribes from oligarchs Usmanov and Mikhelson;
- money from Gazprombank, which has been seen many times before to act as a “wallet” to cover the expenses of high-ranking officials (see the “Vinokur case” and “Sechin’s wife’s salary case”);
— transfers from other companies (for example, a subsidiary of Bashneft).

This money was used to build, purchase and maintain:

Medvedev’s family estate and agricultural complex in Mansurovo:

Mansurovo

Mountain residence "Psekhako" in Sochi:

Vineyards in Anapa and Tuscany:

Milovka, which we showed earlier:

And much more, which we talk about in our investigation. In its video version. And in its detailed text version with all the documents.

Here I will briefly talk about only one episode, which is enough to send both Medvedev and Usmanov to the dock.

Do you know how this object worth 5 billion ended up in Medvedev’s possession?

Alisher Burkhanovich Usmanov, one of the richest oligarchs in Russia with a fortune of $12.5 billion, simply donates both land and a mansion to Medvedev’s foundation.

What should I call it? That's right: a bribe.

That's what we call it in our crime report. And in general, this entire investigation of ours, both as a whole and broken down into episodes, will be turned into statements of crimes.

Yes, we understand that now the authorities will do everything to prevent any steps that they are obliged to take law enforcement agencies. That is, what happened with Chaika will be repeated. But, as they say, you have to live long in Russia. Sooner or later we will achieve our goal and see all the characters in the dock. And sitting next to them will be those who will block the investigation now.

However, even this is not the main thing now. You and I understand very well that the Kremlin will devote its main efforts not to working with “law enforcement officers” (otherwise Chaika and Bastrykin themselves don’t understand what to do), but to stop the spread of information about the investigation .

They have 100% control over their servants in uniform, but public opinion and it is not so easy to control the heads of citizens. Yes, of course, zombie guy, that’s all, but nevertheless, with our joint efforts we can easily make a hole in the picture of the world of the average citizen of the Russian Federation.

Let's make efforts to achieve this together. Moreover, it has such an attractive and understandable format, with aerial filming. We must ensure that all those 20 million people below the poverty line look at Medvedev’s apartments with elevators for cars and angels for fireplaces.

Don't fall into the trap Why should I spread this link, everyone has already seen it" Not all. It is your link, your comment that is missing. It’s not enough to just throw it on Facebook today. Today. And then tomorrow. And just to be sure, in two days.

A couple of emails. SMS to your beloved grandmother. A letter to a classmate with the subject " look at Medvedev's castle in Italy».

By the way, I want to say that in in social networks For older people, this kind of visual content works even better. Video clip about Medvedev's Milovka It has 4.2 million views on YouTube, and 7 million on Odnoklassniki. This is despite the fact that we ourselves did not post it on Odnoklassniki - people themselves stole it from their accounts.

If you don’t want to send it to your grandmother, but want to send it to a foreign friend, no problem - here’s a description of the investigation in English.

A separate appeal to journalists:

First of all, how much can you be afraid? You can't spend your whole life publishing what not scary.

Secondly, this is your traffic, your clicks, your circulation. People read nothing better than investigations of corruption with such texture.

Thirdly, this is your chance to make your profession interesting and rewarding. Each episode of this investigation can and should be supplemented with its own story. Comment from an interested person. Just going to the scene of the event. We have revealed only the most basic things. Who knows, maybe you will get attached to something (like we do to sneakers) and find something that will make you the main journalist in the country. Your name will be mentioned in journalism departments when talking about how to do investigations.

In general, dear everyone, help. Our work has no meaning unless millions know about it. This is our joint project with you, and your contribution is no less important.

Well, don’t forget that I need your signatures in support of the nomination. The Anti-Corruption Foundation exists and does such investigations only thanks to. Support us if you think we are doing something useful.

They unite and protect each other to build palaces for themselves, and let us act together to regain our country.

Dmitry Medvedev's press secretary Natalya Timakova said that the Anti-Corruption Foundation's investigation into the prime minister's "secret empire" was underway. It has a “clearly expressed election character. According to her, it is “pointless” to comment on these accusations, Interfax reports.

Tied together different facts, we eventually came to a whole grandiose corruption empire, where there are vineyards in Anapa, vineyards in Tuscany, a mountain residence, two estates on Rublevka... It is difficult to describe this investigation in a few words, it is very large, and it simply shows that a person spent 70 billion rubles for entertainment. Georgy Alburov

The director of the Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK) of Alexei Navalny, Roman Rubanov, sent on Thursday to the Investigative Committee of Russia (ICR) a statement to initiate a criminal case against Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and businessman Alisher Usmanov under Art. 290 of the Criminal Code (taking a bribe) and Art. 291 of the Criminal Code (giving a bribe). Vedomosti

Mansions, vineyards, yachts: Dmitry Medvedev broke the law?

The Anti-Corruption Foundation has published a large-scale investigation about Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. It follows from the material that people and charitable foundations associated with Medvedev own several luxury residences in Russia and abroad, agricultural land and two yachts. Alexei Navalny calls Medvedev’s actions a criminal offense; in an interview with Dozhd, he said that the prime minister “can be sent to the dock even tomorrow.” Deputy general director Transparency International - Russia Ilya Shumanov explained to Meduza that from the point of view of the letter of the law, it is difficult to blame Medvedev for anything.

Legal argumentation is the most weakness a new investigation by the Anti-Corruption Foundation. I don’t see anything illegal in what Mr. Medvedev did. The fact is that due to the gaps in Russian legislation It turns out that all the assets listed in the investigation are registered in accordance with the law. That is, if you look precisely from the point of view of the letter of the law, everything is completely legal.

The assets discussed in the investigation belong to non-profit charitable organizations. For example, the residence donated by [businessman] Alisher Usmanov is his contribution to the NGO. Such organizations formally do not have owners and do not involve making a profit or withdrawing assets. These assets are managed by a hired manager, and it is difficult to determine who the real owner is. I will not evaluate the arguments related to sneakers and hacked emails, because they are outside the legal field and legal expertise.

Dmitry Medvedev himself in the documentation charitable organizations, appearing in the investigation are not mentioned. It mentions people close to the prime minister and, in particular, [his classmate] Ilya Eliseev. One could say that he is the nominal owner of these non-profit funds, but [in fact] he is quite a self-sufficient figure. Since 2005, Eliseev has held the position of deputy chairman of Gazprombank and is on the board of directors of Gazprom-Media, so he could have acquired all these assets himself and used them. It turns out that Medvedev may not be involved in all this.

The form of a non-profit organization is a corruption-prone hole in the Russian legal field. In this case, a legal scheme provides the opportunity for illegal enrichment and avoids liability. I think, when commenting on the investigation, Medvedev and Eliseev will point specifically to the legal side, and the ethical side will be behind the scenes.

FBK conducted a good, logical investigation. If the prime minister uses the property of the deputy chairman of the board of Gazprombank, who studied with him in the same course, this creates a situation of conflict of interest. This is a sign of a corruption offense for which there should be some kind of responsibility. But the investigation's findings do not mention a conflict of interest.

IN European country this whole situation would be a reason for the resignation of the prime minister and the cabinet, but in Russia this is unlikely.

“We found 80 percent of the schemes in 20 percent of the time spent”Interview with Georgy Alburov, one of the authors of the investigation into the property of Dmitry Medvedev

Georgy Alburov and quadcopter. Photo: Evgeny Feldman for FBK

- Did this investigation really start with a pair of sneakers seen on Dmitry Medvedev?

Of course, it started with many things at the same time, but a pair of sneakers is such a very important expressive part, it really helped us a lot. It turned out that the entire corruption scheme can be traced back to the purchase of this pair. These sneakers were ordered for one of the people closest to Prime Minister Medvedev. We began to look at what else there was behind this man - and immediately went out to vineyards, houses, including an estate in the old village of Mansurovo, where Medvedev’s ancestors lived. Yes, the sneakers helped us a lot.

Was the whole scheme drawn up quickly or was it difficult to find people close to the prime minister and identify them?

We found 80 percent of the schemes in 20 percent of the time spent. With the rest it was more difficult - we went from one legal entity to another, we did not see any connection. Then people from one of our schemes suddenly found themselves connected to companies from a completely different part of the scheme. It began to become more complicated and confusing, but with each new discovery it was clear: all these people we are talking about are directly related to Dmitry Medvedev. There were no particular difficulties with identification: lists of Medvedev’s classmates are publicly available and open. It was more difficult to identify the students, but we identified them by year of graduation.

There was still a question about one person; we could not verify him. Someone Vitaly Golovachev. He was in the insurance business in the late 1990s - he litigated on behalf of insurance companies, then disappeared for ten years and suddenly turned up as a top manager at Gazprombank, at the Meritage company, at the Dar charity foundation ( all organizations appear in the FBK investigation - approx. "Jellyfish"). Unfortunately, it was not possible to communicate with him.

- From your point of view, did all these people hide their activities very much?

Most likely, Medvedev was confident that he would transfer all the property to some non-profit foundations that do not pay taxes. He will appoint his classmates there, or their students, in cases where classmates are too pale, and this scheme will work. Yes, it is quite reliable in terms of management: all these people are close to Medvedev, super-confidants. But the problem is that the number of such people is very limited. Such a scheme could have been identified a long time ago.

- How many people were involved in the investigation?

Six months ago we started... At first there were two people, towards the end four people were involved in the investigation, and another six were involved in the website, video, graphics, music and other things. I will say this: the amount of effort we spent on making all this look good, readable and remembered is even greater than the amount of effort [spent] on collecting facts.

- Tell us about the quadcopter; filming from it is a separate important part of the investigation.

The quadcopter is our faithful fighter, he has been with us since last year and helps us a lot. This is a basic model and can be purchased at any hardware store. Shoots well: we learned how to work with it and smooth out some technical difficulties. If you estimate roughly, 20 million people have seen the video that was made with its help. This is our indispensable tool and practically a team member.

-Are the rights to the songs of the group “Combination” the same beautiful detail as with the sneakers? Why do you need them?

Not so simple! At some point we realized that we were using the song too many times. And I wouldn’t want YouTube to ban us for copyright infringement. So we went to the owners of these songs and formalized the purchase of the rights to use them. The copyright holders, interestingly, were very surprised; no one had ever bought the rights to songs from them in their lives; they didn’t even have a template agreement. It cost quite a bit of money, about 10 thousand rubles per song. It's worth it so we don't get banned.

With your investigation, you have convincingly proven that Dmitry Medvedev’s inner circle lives well. Do you think you have convincingly managed to prove that all these people were buying everything they could in the interests of the Prime Minister?

Yes, anyone can come to us and ask: what does Medvedev have to do with it? His classmates, relatives and friends are here. But we have collected enough facts for ourselves and everyone else to answer this question. Look: how many people are there in the world to whom [businessman] Alisher Usmanov gives estates, and even a real palace on Rublyovka? Not so much. Medvedev visited all these facilities and used them. We convincingly prove this.

In Psekhako, we used a drone to photograph the chimneys of a country house in the mountains and compared them with those that Medvedev posts on his Instagram. These are the same pipes. Regarding the yacht, we found the geolocation of this yacht over the past two years. She went to Plyos four times, where Medvedev has his residence, and twice for the holiday. Scarlet Sails" in Saint-Petersburg. This is a holiday for graduates, a beautiful event, fireworks. Shipping is closed there at this moment. The only yacht for which an exception was made is the yacht “Photinia”, with which Medvedev took his photographs and also posted them. All this is ironclad evidence.

Part of the property you are talking about is registered in charitable foundations. Have you seen their reports? Who are they helping at all?

This interest Ask in the sense that we don’t know - they don’t publish their reports. They do not submit reports to the Ministry of Justice, as required by law. Our fund is renting, but they are not. This is a direct violation of the law. They can be found on the website tax office, but it is difficult to draw correct conclusions from the information from there. For example, they issue a cadastral valuation for real estate, and the estate on Rublyovka, with a market value of two billion rubles, is valued much lower.

- How do you like the first one?reactionfor investigation?

I read the reaction of [Prime Minister Natalya] Timakova’s press secretary... You know, all my life I was sure that she was a rather reserved person from whom one could not hear words like “I will not comment on the words of this opposition criminal-politician.” What kind of state did she have to be brought to in order for her to utter such words? But our investigation did it - very nice. I hope there will be more substantive comments, including from law enforcement agencies.

May I live like this, Dimon!

I strongly advise you to watch the film of the Anti-Corruption Foundation about Medvedev’s dachas, vineyards, estates and yachts. And watch it not even to find out what specific estates, apartments and mountain ranges belong to Dmitry Anatolyevich, what they look like and where they are located. And watch in order to experience this feeling. This feeling will not necessarily be indignation, disgust or disgust. Although what you will see is criminal and shameful for the country. No! I'm talking about something else.

Look at all this splendor, and then listen to yourself. And inside, if not everyone, then very many, this insidious voice will sound: “Damn! Yes, I wish I could live like this!” Really, looking at the swimming pools and the car elevator and the marble staircase in the apartment like a palace, didn’t you want to live like that for at least a couple of days? And a mansion in St. Petersburg, and a 17th century villa in Italy, and a family estate in Kursk, and just an estate in Plyos! We are not holy ascetics or altruists. But for the most part we work a lot for little money. And here, on the screen, is a life that we cannot even dream of. But someone lives such a life, and we know this person, and he is one of those who controls us!

In the end, Navalny says words that are completely obvious, but no less correct: there, at the heights of power, all this is not a secret - because at the heights of power they all live one way or something like this, in accordance with the positions they occupy and the degree of their arrogance. And I would be surprised if there is anyone among them who lives differently. And this is exactly why they strive for power. That is why power is the main asset in Russia. Neither your talents, nor your brains, nor your resourcefulness or ingenuity - nothing matters here. Only position and authority matter.

In Russia there is no point in becoming Elon Musk, because people who change the world are not needed here. We need people here who will leave everything as before. Russia doesn't need people who make money thanks to incredible technologies or modern production. Because it is troublesome and time-consuming, and the risk is high. You can make money much easier and much faster by being a prosecutor, judge, minister or even prime minister, as it turns out. More precisely, not to earn, but to receive.

IN developed countries money is important because it gives power. In Russia, on the contrary, the authorities give money. And the authorities can take away the money. Ask Khodorkovsky, who was the richest man in the country and set out to change something in politics - what happened to him and did he like it? That is why the current oligarchs do not make the same mistakes and will donate billions to all sorts of fake funds and give away estates in order to remain oligarchs, and not sew mittens in prison.

Navalny made a powerful film, but I doubt that this film will blow up society. And not only because a minority of the population will still know about it. And also because millions of our fellow citizens themselves would like to live like this, and to live like this, not thanks to their talents and enterprise, but in order to have power, and to have everything that this power can give in our country. And she can give anything - if only she had imagination and arrogance.

The Kremlin responded to the FBK investigation into Medvedev’s real estate within 24 hours

The Kremlin is not “in detail” familiar with the Anti-Corruption Foundation’s investigation into Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev’s real estate. The investigation was published the day before, March 2. The Cabinet of Ministers stated that it is of an election nature.
Press Secretary Russian President Dmitry Peskov answered the question of whether Head of State Vladimir Putin is familiar with the investigation of Alexei Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation about the “secret real estate” of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, an RBC correspondent reports.

“We are not familiar with the details. We saw the media reports. These are not the first examples of the work of this famous convicted citizen. There is nothing to add to what was said by the press secretary of the Prime Minister,” he said.

The day before, commenting on the investigation, the press secretary of the head of the Cabinet of Ministers, Natalya Timakova, said that the material was of a clearly pre-election nature. “Navalny’s material is clearly pre-election in nature, as he himself says at the end of the video. It makes no sense to comment on the propaganda attacks of an oppositional and convicted character who said that he is already waging some kind of election campaign and is fighting the authorities,” she noted.

The FBK investigation was published the day before, on March 2. It says that Medvedev owns “huge tracts of land in the most elite areas, manages yachts, apartments in old mansions, agricultural complexes and wineries in Russia and abroad.”

The authors of the investigation draw conclusions based on data from Rosreestr and extracts from various registers legal entities, as well as publications in the media and posts on social networks. At the same time, the FBK points out that the real owner of the assets “is almost impossible to track, since, being registered with charitable foundations, they do not belong to anyone.”

Such objects, according to FBK, are, in particular, real estate in the village of Znamenskoye near Rublevo-Uspenskoye Highway, an estate in the Kursk region, a winery in Italian Tuscany and a number of others. Medvedev’s property is managed by his friends, classmates and confidants, the investigation states.

The effect of an unexploded bomb: how the media did not notice Navalny’s investigation into Medvedev

FBK head Alexei Navalny called the investigation into the “secret empire of Dmitry Medvedev” published by the Anti-Corruption Foundation the foundation’s most ambitious project. Russian media They reacted differently to the investigation; many ignored the FBK publication. Not only federal television channels, but also the media, which previously paid more attention to Navalny’s publications, decided not to write or talk about the investigation.

TV and Radio

Federal TV channels “Pervy”, “Russia 1” and NTV never mentioned Navalny’s investigation on their broadcast, it follows from the data of “Medialogy”, prepared at the request of Dozhd. Among cable TV channels, RBC paid attention to the investigation (17 materials during the day). From information radio stations, the publication was discussed by “Echo-Moscow” and “Business FM” - 33 and 4 materials, respectively. Kommersant FM and Vesti FM did not talk about the investigation.

Newspapers

Of the newspapers published on Friday, only two publications wrote about Navalny’s investigation: Vedomosti and Novaya Gazeta. Newspapers “Kommersant”, “Izvestia”, “AiF”, RBC, “Moskovsky Komsomolets”, “ TVNZ" and "Nezavisimaya Gazeta" did not write anything about the oppositionist's publication.

In Vedomosti, the FBK publication was devoted to the column “New Feedings” by Maria Zheleznova and Nikolai Epple in the opinion section, a material retelling the essence of the investigation “Premiere Show” on the second page, as well as Maxim Trudolyubov’s column “Inverted Tradition.”

Novaya Gazeta published the commentary “Reception against the successor.” It called the investigation “weighty and uncompromising”, seeing in the FBK publication the beginning election campaign Navalny. “Navalny’s investigation highlights a non-obvious fact: Dmitry Anatolyevich is really the second person in the state<…>To be honest, I don’t know who else in our country is allowed to have such a resource - financial and political,” writes the editor-in-chief “ Novaya Gazeta» Alexey Polukhin.

Internet media

According to the Yandex-news service, the first news about the investigation appeared in online media at 13.15. Among the first to write about him were Mediazona, Republic, Echo of Moscow, RBC, Tsargrad (as well as Meduza, which is not indexed in the service). On the Kommersant website (owned by businessman Alisher Usmanov, whom Navalny mentions in the investigation), at 15:48 a news item was published under the heading “The Anti-Corruption Foundation has published another investigation.” Forbes published an article about “the fate of the site from Alexei Navalny’s investigation.” Life only posted a comment from Medvedev’s press secretary Natalya Timakova.

The websites of three major news agencies responded to the investigation after Timakova's comment at 2:40 p.m. At the same time, RIA Novosti did not retell the essence of the investigation in its report. “Earlier, Navalny posted a film with an “investigation” against Medvedev. Its authors stated that they spent more than six months collecting material,” RIA wrote.

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The Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK) of opposition politician Alexei Navalny has published its most extensive investigation. The main character of the revealing publication was the closest associate of the country's president, Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. In the material "He's not Dimon" We are talking about luxury real estate, land plots, yachts, agricultural complexes and wineries, which FBK employees found from a high-ranking politician.

This investigation resulted in an almost 50-minute film about Medvedev’s wealth, acquired, according to the foundation, with “donations” from oligarchs and loans from state banks. The video was published on Navalny’s channel on YouTube. The text version is available in Russian and English.

As Navalny notes in his blog, fund employees have uncovered a sophisticated, extensive corruption scheme through which Medvedev is enriching himself. The authors of the investigation found that there is a network of charitable and non-profit foundations organized by Medvedev’s proxies and relatives, “donations” for them come from oligarchs and state banks, and the recipients of assistance are Medvedev and his family. These funds are allegedly used to purchase real estate and other property, not only in Russia, but also abroad.

FBK recalls that under this scheme Medvedev owns, an investigation about which the fund published in September last year. Then it was reported that the object is guarded by the Federal Security Service and there is a no-fly zone above it.

In total, according to FBK, at least 70 billion rubles in money and property were transferred to Medvedev’s funds, and with these funds, in particular, the prime minister’s estate and agricultural complex in Mansurovo, the Psekhako mountain residence in Sochi, and vineyards in Anapa and Tuscany were built and maintained (Italy), Milovka estate in Pleso, Ivanovo region.

According to FBK, one of the objects at Medvedev’s disposal is residence on Rublyovka worth about five billion rubles. Formally, the real estate belongs to the Fund for Support of Socially Significant State Projects (Sotsgosproekt). The residence (both land and mansion) was donated to the foundation by one of the richest people in Russia, businessman Alisher Usmanov with a fortune of $12.5 billion, FBK found out.

The Anti-Corruption Foundation calls such a donation by Usmanov a bribe, reporting that the fact that the billionaire donated the residence is evidenced by an extract from Rosreestr.

The Chairman of the Supervisory Board of the Sotsgosproekt Foundation is Medvedev’s classmate, Gazprombank Vice President Ilya Eliseev, who heads the Dar Foundation, which owned the Milovka estate in Ples.

At the same time, the Gradislava Foundation, to which Milovka was donated, was established by Leonid Rubtsov, FBK writes, noting that he also turned out to be a director in the Green Yard company, which belongs to Sotsgosproekt. And the director of the Sotsgosproekt foundation is another classmate of Medvedev, Alexey Chetvertkov. The founder of Sotsgosproekt is Vitaly Golovachev, who heads the management company of the Dar fund.

The luxurious estate, owned by the foundation, includes huge house with an area of ​​3000 sq. m, guest house with an area of ​​750 sq. m, bathhouse and other buildings. All this is located on 4.3 hectares in the village of Znamenskoye, Odintsovo district.

In addition, as FBK writes, Medvedev has a number of properties in the Kursk region. It's about about estate in the village of Mansurovo, where the prime minister’s grandfather and father are from, with an area of ​​about 240 thousand square meters. m. The estate includes a main house, a guest house, two helipads, an ornamental pond and a sports court. The Anti-Corruption Foundation also published a bird's-eye view of the luxurious residence, located virtually in an open field.

The residence is registered as the property of the Mansurovo agricultural complex. The chairman of the board of directors of this company is Medvedev’s classmate Ilya Eliseev.

Agrocomplex "Mansurovo" is a huge enterprise occupying 27 thousand hectares, has 3170 heads of large cattle, a pig farm for 55 thousand pigs and a stud farm. The director of the enterprise turned out to be Natalya Kharitonova, a graduate of the Law Faculty of Leningrad State University, a student of Eliseev. One of the members of the board of directors is Andrei Medvedev, who is allegedly the cousin of the Russian prime minister.

Andrey Medvedev is the director and owner of a small share in the Seim-Agro company (grows tomatoes, cucumbers and roses). The main founder of this company is Kurskproteplitsa CJSC, whose board of directors is headed by the same Medvedev classmate Ilya Eliseev. And the only owner of Kurspromteplitsa is the Sotsgosproekt foundation, to which Usmanov donated the Rublev residence.

According to FBK, the Sotsgosproekt fund owns a stake in the Skalisty Bereg company, which owns vineyards in Anapa. Board of Directors " rocky shore" is headed by Eliseev. One of the directors of this company was Andrei Zhmenya, who later became the director of the Gradislava Foundation, to which the Milovka estate in Ples is registered.

The current head of Rocky Coast is Andrey Skok, one of the minister’s key asset managers Agriculture RF Alexander Tkachev, and Medvedev and Tkachev together lobby for preferences for wine business, where they both have an interest, FBK notes.

At the same time, the largest share in the Kursk estates and Anapa vineyards belongs to Tekhinpro Company CJSC. The director of this company is Vladimir Dyachenko, whose name was mentioned in the hack in 2014 e-mail Medvedev, according to published documents. It also says that Medvedev ordered personal items via the Internet in the name of Dyachenko and to the address of Tekhinpro Company CJSC. Moreover, FBK employees were able to understand that the mail belonged to the prime minister by comparing the shopping list preserved in the mail and the sneakers with shirts that appeared on Medvedev.

In addition, Dyachenko heads PromTechInvest CJSC, which manages the estate on Rublyovka, donated to a foundation associated with Medvedev.

The fourth fund allegedly associated with Medvedev (besides Dar, Gradislava and Sotsgosproekt) is the Winter Olympic Sports Support Fund. Its supervisory board is headed by the prime minister’s classmate Ilya Eliseev. The fund is nominally owned through the Meritage Management Company by Vitaly Golovachev, an employee of the Dar fund, whose ownership is registered in the Sotsgosproekt fund.

In 2014, the “House of Reception of Official Guests” was donated to the foundation "Psekhako" - a luxurious winter residence in the mountains. Psekhako is a mountain range in the vicinity of Krasnaya Polyana. Judging by photos from Instagram, Medvedev visits there regularly. And judging by the data from the mail cited by FBK, the prime minister personally issues instructions on management, hiring personnel and procurement for this facility.

FBK also uncovered another corruption episode related to the prime minister. In 2011, when Medvedev was still head of state, the Presidential Administration sold a plot of land of 20 hectares near the village of Maslovo on Rublevo-Uspenskoye Highway to the Garant Club company for next to nothing - 200 times cheaper than the market value. In the territory land plot there is a huge house, something similar to a sports complex, outbuildings and a helipad.

"Garant Club" is a subsidiary of the Financial Consulting Firm of the "Dar" Foundation, the same "FinConsultingK" (FKK) that provided the Mansurovo agricultural complex with a mortgage on the land under the estate.

Previously, FKK was completely owned by the Dar Foundation, and then it was re-registered as the property of the Winter Olympic Sports Support Fund (to which the winter residence in Psekhako was donated). At the time of the transaction, the director and founder of the “Guarantor Club” turned out to be another classmate of Medvedev, Alexey Dolgushevsky, according to Navalny’s website.

In addition, FBK claims to have uncovered two criminal schemes for obtaining valuable assets in Krasnodar region. People allegedly associated with Medvedev took possession a plot of land in Utrish And boarding house in Olginka, and false competition in competitions in both cases was provided by companies controlled by the director of Sotsgosproekt, Alexey Chetvertkov.

In 2009, the company "Certum-Invest", founded by a student of Medvedev's classmate, Philip Polyansky, acquired a luxurious 18th century mansion of Count Kushelev-Bezborodko in the center of St. Petersburg. Then the Dar Foundation (which owned the Milovka estate in Ples) became the owner of the building. Polyansky headed the Dar Foundation for several years. Currently, the mansion has turned into an elite building with 29 apartments with swimming pools, indoor spa complexes, garages, security guards, and car elevators.

Six of these apartments, worth a total of one billion rubles, are owned by the Dar Foundation. 23 ended up in the ownership of Certum-Invest. The commercial premises on the ground floor of the mansion are occupied by the FKK company, which is owned by the Winter Olympic Sports Support Fund and has given the land to the Mansurovo agricultural complex as a mortgage.

FBK also found out that the Cyprus offshore company Furcina Limited, owned by Medvedev’s classmate Ilya Eliseev, owns two sea yachts total cost of 16 million dollars. Employees of the anti-corruption fund found photographs in which expensive boats moored near the Milovka estate in Ples, which Medvedev uses as his residence. Both yachts are named "Photinia", which is the church analogue of the name Svetlana (this is the name of Medvedev's wife). FBK analyzed cases of use of a more expensive yacht and it turned out that they were all connected with Medvedev.

According to FBK, in 2012, the same offshore company to which Dmitry Medvedev’s yacht was registered bought 100% of the Italian company FATTORIA DELLA AIOLA S.r.l., which owns and operates its own vineyards and wine production in Tuscany. For $10 million, an offshore company associated with the Prime Minister of the Russian Federation purchased 100 hectares of vineyards and olive groves, wine production and even an ancient villa. After the purchase, Sergei Stupnitsky became the manager of the winery, who had previously worked as the director of another winery associated with Medvedev, the Anapa “Rocky Coast”.