Historical grammar of the Russian language: A manual for correspondence students
One of the main processes that led to a radical restructuring of the sound system of the Old Russian language and brought it closer to the modern state.
In scientific and educational literature, the opinion has been repeatedly expressed that between the ancient state of the sound system of the Russian language and its current state lies the fall of the reduced.
The change in sounds [ъ] and [ь] depended on their phonetic position. If the reduced [ъ] and [ь] were in a weak phonetic position, then they were gradually lost, but if [ъ] and [ь] were in a strong position, then the reduced sounds were vocalized, i.e. clarified into vowels of full formation: [ъ] was vocalized (cleared) into a vowel of full formation [o], and reduced [b] - into a vowel [e].
The fall of the reduced not only radically restructured the phonetic system, but also affected all levels of the Old Russian language - phonetic, lexical, morphological (Table 31).
Table 31 - Consequences of the fall of the reduced
| Changes in phonetic laws | 1. Terminates the AIA. |
| 2. ZSS lost its relevance: sounds of different articulation became possible in one syllable (in the word forest, after the loss of the final reduced one, a second softened consonant, a front vowel and a hard consonant appeared in one syllable, which was unusual for the Old Russian language). | |
| 3. New phonetic laws are activated - assimilation, dissimilation, simplification of consonant groups, deafening at the end of a word; high-quality reduction of vowel sounds. | |
| 4. The fall of the reduced conditioned the process of transition from [e] to [o]. | |
| Changes in the structure of words, syllables | 1. The structure of the syllable changes, because the law of ascending sonority ceases to apply (although the tendency towards ascending sonority remains); sounds of different articulations became possible in one syllable. |
| 2. The boundaries of the syllable division hundred/l-table/ change. | |
| 3. The number of syllables in a word changes. | |
| 4. Syllables and words ending in a consonant appear. | |
| 5. Monosyllabic words appear (table, sleep). | |
| 6. Words appear consisting of one consonant sound (v, s). | |
| Changes in the vowel area | 1. Two independent phonemes [ъ], [ь] are lost (movement from a system with a dominant role of vocalism to a consonantal system). |
| 2. The vowels [o], [e] appear, ascending to [ъ], [ь]: дн >день, сънъ>сon. | |
| 3. Fluency of vowels occurs - alternation e, o // ? (day - day), including fluency by analogy (ditch - ditch, ice - ice). | |
| 4. The vowel [o] appears between difficult to pronounce consonants: fire > fire, coal > coal. | |
| 5. Vowels [o], [e] appear in the forms R.p. plural nouns with former foundations on *? and *?: earth - earth, glass - glass. | |
| Changes in the consonant region | 1. New groups of consonants appear: palka - stick. |
| 2. A change in consonant sounds occurs as a result of: - assimilation of sounds according to deafness-voiceness, softness-hardness: lavka - bench, truth - truth; - dissimilation: of course - of course, someone - what; - deafening of voiced consonants at the absolute end of a word: blood - blood. | |
| 3. There is a simplification of groups of difficult to pronounce consonants: sun - sun, nesl - nes. | |
| 4. A new phoneme [f] appears. On East Slavic soil, the development of the sound [f], originally alien to the Slavic languages, occurs: the voiced [v], falling into the phonetic position of the end of the word, becomes voiceless, as a result [f] becomes an independent phoneme. | |
| 5. As a result of the fall of tense reduced ones, new combinations of consonants with [j] arise: [druz’ja], [kolos’ja]. | |
| 6. A category of consonant correlation based on deafness and voicedness is drawn up | |
| 7. There is a complete liberation of hardness-softness of consonants from positional conditions | |
| Changes in vocabulary | As a result of structural changes, the etymology of many words is obscured, and semantic connections in related words are broken: d'ska, d'shchan > chan. |
| Changes in grammar | 1. New means of expression appear grammatical meaning: - fluency of vowels after completion of the PPR becomes a morphological means (cf. words that arose in the late era shpargalka - shpargalok, komsomolets - komsomolets); - zero morphemes appear - suffixes and inflections: table (table), carried (carried). |
| 2. Morphemes appear consisting of one consonant (prefixes s-, v-, suffix -n-). |
Among the reasons that caused the decline of the reduced ones, the following facts can be noted:
1) reduced sounds occupied special position in the vowel system of the Old Russian language, [ъ] and [ь] could be in either a strong or weak position (unlike other vowels); 2) in terms of their quality, reduced vowels, which are in a strong position, practically did not differ from vowels of full formation, cf. [ъ] and [о] are the back vowels of the middle rise, [ь] and [е] are the front vowels of the middle rise.
The process of the fall of the reduced is reflected in all Slavic languages, but the chronology and results of this process differ in different Slavic languages.
In the Old Russian language, this process took place most actively around the second half of the 12th century. However, we can make the assumption that in a weak position the loss of reduced ones began already in the 11th century. Thus, in the Old Russian inscription on the Tmutarakan stone of 1068, the word kn#z is written without [ъ] after k.
The loss of reduced ones in a weak position “probably did not occur simultaneously in different phonetic positions. According to A. A. Shakhmatov (as well as L. P. Yakubinsky), this loss was primarily carried out in the initial first pre-stressed syllable: [knaz] > [knaz], [sna] > [sna], etc. But, how Apparently, the earlier loss of the reduced was also due to the fact that in a number of cases the weak reduced in the word was not supported by the strong in other forms of the same word. So, in the word [съна] the weak [ъ] could last longer, as in names. pad. [sun] he was fundamentally strong (changed later in [o] - [sleep])...
In addition, reduced ones disappeared early in the word-final position, where they were always in a weak position. However, their writing in this position remained for a long time due to the fact that they indicated the boundary of a word in Old Russian continuous writing, without division into words, and later indicated the hardness or softness of the preceding consonant. The spelling of [ъ] and [ь] at the end of a word was traditionally preserved until the reform of 1917.
The fate of the reduced [s], [and]
The reduced vowels [ы], [и] during the era of the fall of the reduced vowels also underwent changes. In the dialects that formed the basis of the Great Russian language, strong [s], [i] changed to [o], [e]. In the dialects that formed the basis of the Ukrainian and Belarusian languages - in [ы], [и]. In the Russian language, the pronunciation [o], [e], going back to the reduced [s], [i], is preserved only under stress.
Reduced[s], [and], ascending To[ъ] and [ь]:
1) in the era of the fall of the reduced they changed to [o], [e];
2) [o] remains in the stressed position: molod-i → molodyi → molodoi; the stressed position with [e] is absent in Russian;
3) in the unstressed (overstressed) position [o], [e] after the development of qualitative reduction change into [ъ] and [ь]: new-i → new-i → new-i → new[ъ]и (new); sin-i → blue → bluei → sin[b]i (blue); the spelling -й, -й is due to the Old Church Slavonic tradition (in the Old Church Slavonic language the reduced [s], [and] changed to [s], [and]).
Reduced[s], [and], ascending to the original[s], [i]:
1) in the era of the fall of the reduced ones they changed to [o], [e] and remained in the position under stress: *pejь → *pii → [pii] → pei (Ukrainian pius); *mujQ → [myiu] → my (Ukrainian miyu);
2) in the unstressed position, the reduced [s], [i], going back to the original [s], [i], were lost: *pijQ → I drink.
§ 109. One of the main phenomena in the history of the Old Russian language, which changed its sound system and brought it closer to the modern state, was the fall of reduced ones. In a certain sense, one can even say that between the ancient state of the sound system of the Russian language and its modern state lies the fall of the reduced.
§110. The loss of [ъ] and [ь] in a weak position and their change in [о] and [е] - in a strong one. The downfall of the reduced was that [ъ] and [ь] as independent phonemes in the Russian language system ceased to exist.
It must be borne in mind that the reduced [ъ] and [ь] were pronounced differently in the strong and weak positions. By the time they were lost, [ъ] and [ь] in a weak position began to be pronounced very briefly and turned into non-syllabic sounds, and in a strong position, on the contrary, they began to approach the vowels [o] and [e]. This difference between weak and strong reduced ones determined their future fate - either complete loss, or transformation into vowels of full formation.
The fall of the reduced is a process characteristic of all Slavs, but in different Slavic languages it did not occur simultaneously and led to different results. Therefore, after the fall of the reduced Slavic languages, they further diverged from each other.
In the Old Russian language this process took place approximately in the second half of the 12th century. In the monuments of this particular time there are many cases of writing in place of strong [ъ] and [ь] vowels о and е and omitting reduced vowels in a weak position. However, it is possible that the fall of the reduced, beginning with the loss of the weak, was known before. This is evidenced by some facts from monuments of ancient Russian writing. Not to mention the phenomena noted in the Ostromir Gospel of 1056-1057, rewritten from the Old Church Slavonic original, where the reflection of the process of the fall of the reduced may be associated with its early occurrence in the Old Church Slavonic language, it should be noted that in the original Old Russian inscription on the Tmutarakan stone 1068 g. there is a spelling knz without ъ after k. The same can be found in the letter of Mstislav Volodymyr-
Rovich and his son Vsevolod 1130: kn*z, kn*zhenie (instead of kn*zhenie), Vsevolodou (instead of Vsevolodou), who (instead of who), etc.
But the process of the fall of the reduced was widely reflected in the monuments of the second half of the 12th - early 13th centuries, for example in the charter of Varlaam Khutynsky at the end of the 12th century, in the Dobrilov Gospel of 1164, in the Smolensk charter of 1229, etc.
The loss of weak reduced ones probably did not occur simultaneously in different phonetic positions. According to A. A. Shakhmatov (as well as L. P. Yakubinsky), this loss was first realized in the initial first pre-stressed syllable: [knaz] >
> [knaz], [sjna] > [sna], etc. But, as can be seen, the earlier loss of the reduced was also due to the fact that in a number of cases the weak reduced in the word was not supported by the strong in other forms of the same word . So, if in the form of [съна] the weak [ъ] could last longer, as in names. pad. [сънъ] he was fundamentally strong (changed later in [o] - [son]), then such related forms with a strong reduced were not in words like kn*z, who, m'nogo, etc. Here, therefore, the weak reduced one was in an isolated position and therefore its loss could have occurred earlier.
In addition, reduced ones disappeared early at the end of the word, where they were always weak. However, their writing in this position remained for a long time due to the fact that they indicated the boundary of a word in Old Russian continuous writing, without division into words, and later indicated the hardness or softness of the preceding consonant.
Finally, reduced ones were pronounced differently in full and fluent speech styles. Therefore, probably, in church reading the reduced ones were retained longer than in colloquial speech.
So, as a result of the fall of the reduced, the weak [ъ] and [ь] were lost, and the strong ones became clearer in [о] and [е]. For example, [day] > [day’], [day] > [day]; [all] > [weight’], [all] >
> [all]; [s'to] > [hundred], [s't'] > [sot]; [cell] > [cell], [cell] > [cell], etc.
As examples of clarification of [ъ] and [ь] in [o] and [e] in the position under stress (and not before a syllable with a weak reduced), one can cite such facts as [motley] > [motley], [thushcha] > [mother-in-law], [dry] > [dry].
However, we must also keep in mind that sometimes there is an early clearing of weak [ъ] и [ь] into vowels [о] and [е]. For example, in Svyatoslav’s collection of 1073 one can find the spelling zoloba with o in place of [ъ] weak or silver instead of silver with e in place of [ь] weak. The same can be found in the “Life of Theodosius” of the 12th century: zolodi from zlodiya, in the Dobrilov Gospel: monoga from mnoga. Apparently, this phenomenon is explained by the fact that in these words
there was an assimilation of the vowels [ъ] and [ь] to the vowel of the subsequent syllable, and such facts essentially have nothing to do with the fall of the reduced ones.
The process of the fall of the reduced did not occur simultaneously in various dialects of the Old Russian language - in some dialects this process began already in the 11th century, in others - later, however, by the middle of the 13th century. it, apparently, was completed in the entire Old Russian language.
§ 111. Lengthening the vowels [o] and [e] before a syllable with a lost weak reduced. In the monuments of the Old Russian language of the second half of the 12th century, created on the southern Russian territory, i.e., reflecting those dialects that later formed the basis of the Ukrainian language, the writing ѣ in place of the original [e] is observed in cases where the next syllable was weak [ь], lost in the era of the fall of reduced ones (there is no such change before a syllable with a former weak [ъ]. This phenomenon of the so-called “new ѣ” was first established by A.I. Sobolevsky in the Galician-Volyn monuments. Such a new e is observed, for example, in the words stone, oven, six, be, etc., in which there was no e originally. In modern northern Ukrainian dialects and in southern Belarusian dialects, in accordance with this, ѣ is pronounced diphthong [ie] (i.e. [kamen'], [piech], [shies't'], [budiet']), and in literary Ukrainian - [and]: stone, pich, six, etc.
If we compare all these facts and take into account that in the Old Russian language [ё] could have the character of a diphthong [ie] (see § 54), then we can establish that writing ѣ in place of e reflects the diphthong pronunciation of the new [ё], which arose from [ e]. However, the question arises about the origin of this [е], because, as is known, the sound [e], which was in the words stone, be, stove, etc., was originally short. It is assumed that the short sound [e] received lengthening as a result of the loss of the subsequent weak [b]; it was a substitute longitude that arose after the fall of the reduced ones. The long [ё] was subsequently diphthongized into [ie], and the diphthong, in turn, further changed into [and], which was reflected in the Ukrainian literary language.
Along with this lengthening of [e], there was also a lengthening of the short [o] under the same conditions, i.e., before a syllable with a lost weak reduced. However, the ancient Russian scribes did not have the opportunity to somehow designate the longitude of this new one (however, sometimes it received the designation through oo: voovtsa - Galician Evang. 1266). However, the presence of such a lengthening [o] is again evidenced by the facts of Ukrainian dialects and the literary language. In northern Ukrainian dialects, the pronunciation of the diphthong [uo] in place of [o] is observed in words like [vuol], [kuon'], stuol], [nuos], etc., i.e., where [o] was originally located in the syllable before
6 Order 490 ірі
a syllable with a weak reduction. In the Ukrainian literary language, these words are pronounced with the sound [i]: вів, кін, стіл, неіс, etc. Apparently, the process here proceeded in such a way that [o] differential
was tongized into [uo], and then through the stage ['uo] changed
“The lengthening of o and e in the syllable before the dropped voiceless is very important in the history of the Old Russian language, since it is the oldest of the new sound phenomena that separated the northern Old Russian dialects (those on the basis of which the Russian language itself was formed) from the southern ones, on the basis of which the Russian language was formed Ukrainian language" (I am Cuban L.P. History of the Old Russian language. - M., 1953. - P. 146-147).
§ 112. Fate [ъ] and [ь] in combination with smooth ones. The situation was special with combinations of reduced and smooth between consonants, where the fate of [ъ] and [ь] turned out to be different from the general fate of strong and weak reduced ones.
a) In combinations of type and similar. in all East Slavic languages [ъ] changed to [о], and [ь] to [е]. In other words, in words with these combinations the reduced one always behaved as a strong one: he acted as a strong one, for example, both in the form [търъ] and in the form [търгъ], although “outwardly”, at first glance, [ъ] in one form (targ) was in a strong position, and in the other (targa) - in a weak position. Thus, from the Old Russian combinations , , the combinations arose , , . Compare: [targ] >
> [bargaining], [gurlo] > [throat], [gurdy] > [proud], [hold] > [hold], [dead] > [dead], [virkh] >
> [top], [volk] (from [*ѵь1къ]) > [wolf], [пълкъ] > [regiment], [malnya] > [lightning], [volna] (from [*ѵь1па]) > [wave] etc.
However, along with all-Russian phenomena in the development of combinations like , in Northern Russian monuments there is the so-called “second full consonance” (the term of A. A. Potebnya), i.e. the appearance in place of these combinations of spellings with the full vowel combinations oro, ere, olo Thus, in the monuments of the north-western territories, primarily in Novgorod, it is noted: Torozhkou - toroikou (vm. tarzhkou), Volga region (vm. Povolzhye) - I Novgorod years; verebnyy nedel (vm. virbnyy) - Paremeynik 1271 .; believe (vm. believe) - Helm.
1282; tsvereti (vm. chtvirt) - birch bark gr. No. 348; borot (vm. bert) - birch bark gr. No. 390; molovi (vm. molvi) - birch bark gr. No. 8; verieie (vm. vreie) - birch bark gr. No. 254, etc. Such forms with “second full consonance” are also found in modern, mainly northern, dialects of the Russian language, for example, they are noted: molonya from other Russian mlnya; vereh from other Russian vyrkh, gorob from other - Russian garb; zhered from other Russian zherd; korom from other Russian karm; holom from other Russian хълмъ; stolon from other Russian stъlb; due from other Russian dъlzhno; seren from other Russian sрпъ, etc. In Ukrainian and Belarusian languages yes 162
forms goron (from ancient Russian gurn), smeretny (cf. ancient Russian съмрь), malanka (lightning), zharalo (ancient Russian zhirlo), etc. And in the Russian literary language there are such full-vowels forms: rope (from other Russian vyrvka), full (from other Russian pълнъ), stupid (cf. other Russian talk, Russian talk), twilight (Russian twilight), dunce (other .-Russian stalp).
The phenomenon of “second full consonance” is found inconsistently in the Russian language, and this has its reasons.
In order to understand the history of the development of type combinations in the era of the fall of the reduced ones, and at the same time not only the appearance of the “second full consonance”, but also the limitations of its distribution in the Old Russian language, for this we must take into account the possibility of a double syllable division in words that had similar combinations in Old Russian language.
As mentioned above (see § 68 and § 90), in combinations like the syllable division could occur either before the smooth or after the smooth. In the case when the syllable division passed before the smooth one, the sounds [g] and, being at the beginning of the syllable before the consonant, developed syllabicity, as a result of which in this type of combinations not two, but three syllables appeared (t> | g | t vowel).
Thus, in the form, for example, Търгъ in some dialects of the Old Russian language before the fall of the reduced ones there were not two syllables (i.e. tb|rt + vowel), but three: [тъ|р|гъ]. In the same way, there were three syllables in the form tärga: [tj|r|ga]. Thus, the reduced [ъ] in both forms was in the same position: before the syllabic smooth, which was a positional variety of the non-syllabic smooth, appearing only in this phonetic position. The position before the syllabic smooth cannot be considered either strong or weak for the reduced ones, for these latter, as defined above (see § 54), do not include this position. In other words, the position [ъ] and [ь] in type combinations was a special position that arose as a result of the action of the law of the open syllable. However, this position could exist only as long as this law remained in effect. When the fall of the reduced led to a violation of the law of the open syllable, closed syllables began to appear (see.
§ 116), then the syllabic [р] and [л] ceased to exist in combinations like , because the conditions in which they appeared were lost. Consequently, if in the form [търга] before the change [ъ] there were three syllables: [тъ|р|ga], then after the fall of the reduced ones two syllables appeared here: [tor|ga], and the loss of syllabicity [р] caused a change [ъ ] - extending it to [o]. Thus, in those cases when a syllable from a smooth syllabic was followed by a syllable with a vowel of full formation, the clarification of the reduced one occurred due to the loss of syllabicity of the smooth sound.
In those cases when a syllable from a syllabic smooth one was followed by a syllable with a reduced one (for example, [търгъ]), the syllabic smooth one, due to the brevity of the subsequent syllable with a reduced one, was probably long: [тъ|р|гъ], and therefore in the era of the fall of the reduced, due to the loss of syllabicity, there was a clarification of [ъ], [ь] in [о], [е], and due to the loss of longitude, the development of the second vowel after the smooth [р], [л]. This is how the “second full consonance” arose in a number of dialects of the Old Russian language. The further effect of analogy (for example, in the forms of oblique cases) determined the inconsistency in the development of the entire phenomenon.
However, at the same time, the dialects of the Old Russian language may not have developed a syllabary smooth in combinations of the type: [g] or they could remain non-syllabic and move to the previous syllable, leading to its closedness (see § 68). In this case, both in the form, say, [targ], and in the form [targa], the syllable division occurred after the smooth one. As a result, both forms had two syllables - one open and one closed ([тър | гъ], [тър | ка]), and the reduced one before the smooth one could be in either a strong or weak position. In connection with this, his fate turned out to be different: in a strong position [ъ] and [ь] changed to [o] and [e], and in a weak position they dropped out. However, the loss of [ъ] and [ь] in words of this kind led to the emergence of difficult-to-pronounce groups of consonants (cf.: [targa] > [trga]), which could not be preserved within one syllable: the change was achieved by developing a new syllabic smooth ([ trga] > [trga]). However, Eastern Slavs the syllabicity of the smooth ones could not be maintained; a tendency arose in the language to free itself from new [р] and [л], which, apparently, was carried out not phonetically, but through the analogous influence of forms with the former strong [ъ] and [ь].
b) The situation was approximately the same with the change in [ъ] and [ь] in combinations with smooth ones, when the reduced one was after the smooth one (i.e. in combinations like ). The fate of [ъ] and [ь] turned out to be somewhat different here in different East Slavic languages, and the differences were determined by the strong and weak position of the reduced in the word with these combinations.
In the strong position [ъ] and [ь] in these combinations became clearer in all East Slavic languages in [o] and [e]. For example:
other Russian blood - Russian blood, Ukrainian blood, Belarusian Crow; other Russian glatka - Russian. pharynx, Ukrainian pharynx, Belarusian
other Russian krist - Russian. cross, Ukrainian Khrest, Belarusian cross; other Russian slz - Russian. tears, Ukrainian tears, Belarusian tears. If [ъ] and [ь] in type combinations were in a weak position, then they, like any weak reduced ones,
were subject to loss and disappearance. However, as a result of this loss, as sometimes in words with combinations like (tbrt] (see above), difficult-to-pronounce groups of consonants appeared within one syllable, as a result of which a smooth syllabary developed. For example, after the loss of a weak [b] in the form [ krista] a group of consonants [krst] arose, which could not be preserved within one syllable, as a result of which the smooth one became syllabic: [krsta].
Further change followed slightly different paths in different East Slavic languages. Thus, in the Ukrainian and Belarusian languages, liberation from the syllabic smooth occurred through the development of a secondary vowel [ы] or [и] after, and sometimes before, the smooth. For example, from other Russian. bloody developed Ukrainian. krivaviy and kirvavyy, kervavyy, Belarusian. bloody. In the same way they arose from other Russian. krashiti - Ukrainian Krishiti, Belarusian roof; from other Russian blah - Belarusian. flea; from others - Russian Slza - Ukrainian dial mucus and silza; from other Russian trvoga - Ukrainian anxiety, Belarusian tripe; from other Russian glatati - Ukrainian Glitati, Belarusian swallow; from other Russian kristity - Ukrainian Christian, Belarusian chrystsіts, etc. Forms with s, and in place ъ, ь are found in southwestern monuments from the 13th century: ilblyko (Life of Sava Consecrated 13th century), skryzhet (Lutsk Evan. 14th century), tremble (Gr. XIV century); in Old Belarusian documents these combinations have been recorded since the 15th century: dryzhahou, kryvava (Chetya 1489), blyshachis (Tyapinsk Evan.), slyza (Psalter of the 16th century).
In Russian there was no such development of the secondary vowel in these cases. Some Russian dialects, and even then in isolated cases, were aware of the loss in these combinations of not only weak [ъ] and [ь], but also smooth [р] and [л]. Traces of such development are some dialect forms that lack smoothness. For example, the root in the dialect kstit, okstit, in the name of the village of Kstovo goes back to ancient Russian. cross-, where after the weak [b] fell out, the smooth [r] also fell out. The name of the city of Pskov is explained in the same way: the word Pskov arose from ancient Russian. Plskov (P'skov has been known since the 14th century), attested by monuments, where after the [b] fell out, the smooth [l] also fell out. Plskov is attested in the First Novgorod Chronicle according to the Synodal list (cf. also the German name of Pskov - Pleskau).
However, typical for the modern Russian language and its dialects is the presence of combinations [ro], [lo], [re], [le] in place of Old Russian. [ръ], [лъ], [рь], [л] in combinations like with weak [ъ] and [ь], for example: bloody, crumble, swallow, flea, rattle, baptize, anxiety, tear, etc. One might think that the pronunciation of [о] and [е] in place of the weak [ъ] and [ь] in these combinations developed by analogy with the forms in which [ъ] and [ь] were strong: under the influence, for example, blood arose blood, bloody; . under the influence of tears - a tear; under the influence of firewood - dro-
§ 113. The fate of reduced [s] and [and]. As already mentioned (see § 80), the Old Russian language inherited from Proto-Slavic and retained in its system the reduced vowels [ы] and [й], which during the era of the fall of the reduced vowels underwent changes, just as happened with [ъ] and [ь ].
However, the fate of [ы] and [й] turned out to be somewhat different in the dialects of the Old Russian language. In the dialects that formed the basis of the Russian (Great Russian) language, strong [ы] and [й] changed into [о] and [е], and in the dialects that formed the basis of the Ukrainian and Belarusian languages - into [ы] and [и ].
This was the case, for example, in the form of names. pad. units including full adjectives husband. r.: from *dobrb + /ь arose o.-slav. dobryjb, where [y] was in a strong position; hence Russian. good, Ukrainian kind, Belarusian. kind. From *sinb + jb arose o.-slav. sinljb with [I] in a strong position; hence Russian. blue, Ukrainian dial blue, Belarusian blue Wed. also Russian. young, Ukrainian young, Belarusian youngsters; Russian top, Ukrainian dial upper, Belarusian top Similar forms are reflected in monuments of Moscow origin from the 14th - 15th centuries.
It must be said that in the Russian literary language the pronunciation [оу] in these forms is preserved only under stress (young, golden, blue), while in an unstressed position in place of [о] it is pronounced [ъ] as a result of reduction ([krasnts], [ skorats], [nbvyi]), which is reflected in the letter as the spelling ы (red, etc.). The ending [ets] is not stressed at all
protrudes, and in an unstressed position it is pronounced with a reduced [b], reflected in writing through and ([synyi] siniy, [davnts] long-standing). Such writings became stronger in the Russian language under the influence of the Old Slavonic tradition. In the surrounding Northern Great Russian dialects and still in the form of names, pad. units h. husband R. The pronunciation of [red], [new], [blue], [old] is preserved.
Reduced [s] and [i], ascending to the original [s] and [i] in the position before [j] or [i], had the same fate. Thus, in a strong position, o.-slav developed from *pijb. rii > other Russian [pyts], where Russian comes from. drink, Ukrainian Pius, Belarusian pi; from *Y]b - o.-slav. ьі > other Russian [byts], where Russian comes from. beat, ukr. biy, Belarusian b; from *gpuіr - o.-slav. pguіr > other Russian [mytsu], where Russian comes from. mine, Ukrainian Myu, Belarusian I wash; from *kryip - o.-slav. kryip > other - Russian [krytsa], where Russian comes from. cut, Ukrainian Crewe, Belarusian I'm covering.
Wed. also Russian. lei, ukr. Liy, Belarusian l\ Russian brey, ukr. Briy, Belarusian bry. In a weak position, [й]й[й] were lost among all the Eastern Slavs. Thus, from *pijp the o.-slav developed. pijp > other - Russian , from where Russian. drink (=), ukr. p"yu, Belarusian p'yu; from *lijp- O.-Slav. ZZ/p > other Russian [льіу], from where Russian. lyu, Ukrainian llyu, Belarusian. lyu. Compare also Russian. I beat, Ukrainian b"yu, Belarusian. b"yu.
§ 114. In conclusion of the consideration of the process of the fall of reduced sounds, it should be noted cases of deviation from the natural development of these sounds.
We are talking, for example, about those facts when vowels of full formation appear in place of weak [ъ] and [ь] in the era of their loss. So, for example, in the word [дька] the sound [ъ] was weak and subject to loss. Such a loss of [ъ] occurred in individual Russian dialects, after which the form [deka] arose in them, from where, according to the syntagmatic law of compatibility of noisy ones - [tska] and further [tska]. This form is noted in monuments with special meanings - “plate”, “plaque” or “board on which icons are written”: necklace on tska akh ъ on gold (Spiritual gr. Dm. Ivan. 1509), creation. . . on the throne of the hoop and ts to i. . . the date has already passed (Volokol. gr. 1768). However, in the literary Russian language and in dialects the form with [o] has become stronger in place of the weak [ъ] g [board]. This is explained by the fact that in wine. pad. units h. and gender pad. pl. h. ([dekou], [dek]) [ъ] was under stress and was strong. The generalization of the basics led to the fact that where [ъ] in the forms of this word was weak, the vowel [o] began to be pronounced. The situation was exactly the same with the forms of indirect cases from the word [tst] (father-in-law), where, for example, in gender. pad. units h. from [tsti] should have developed [tsti] > [tsti]. Such forms are also attested by monuments: Rostislav went to his place (Ipat. let., 1493); or with metathesis: do not give my world away (Sud. years. 1216). However, by analogy with those forms where [b] was strong, pronunciation with the vowel [e] was established in the entire declension of this word.
The reasons for the emergence of the analogy here are quite clear: the different fate of the reduced ones led to a break in the forms of one word, which could not but cause generalization processes.
Wed. more facts: from other Russian. [log] arose phonetically naturally [log], but in the genus. pad. pl. h. from [bervn]* it was necessary to develop [berven]; modern [logs] - by analogy with [log]; from other Russian [Smolnsk] should have arisen [Smol’nesk], however, in modern Russian there is a form [Smolensk], which appeared under the influence of forms of oblique cases, for example gender. pad. units part [Smolensk] from other Russian. [Smolnsk]. There are many such examples
a lot, but it is important to emphasize that in all these cases, phonetically regular processes were influenced by analogous phenomena associated with the generalization of the sound appearance of the forms of one word.
At the same time, there are also facts here that are superficially similar to those stated above, but are explained by other reasons. So, for example, from other Russian. [gathering], [sprouting], [sprouting] there should have been [gathering], [sprouting], [branches]. This is generally what happened: cf. modern fees, collection, shoots, rise, dialect vstochen (the name of the wind), etc. However, along with these words there is also a cathedral, ascent, sunrise, east with [o] in the place of weak [ъ]. This dual development of the same word is explained by the fact that words without [o] arose on Old Russian soil as a result of the phonetic process of falling [ъ]; words with [o] are the result of the influence of their Church Slavonic pronunciation. Due to the fact that in the Old Church Slavonic language the change [ъ] and [ь] occurred earlier, back in the 10th - 11th centuries, in monuments of Old Slavonic origin that came to Rus', the writing o and e in place of the strong [ъ] and [ was already observed. b]. Old Russian scribes, who then still pronounced [ъ] and [ь] in any position, began to adopt the artificial pronunciation of church words with [о] and [е] in place of any [ъ] or [ь]. From Church Slavonic, such pronunciation gradually penetrated into the living Russian language.
Reasons for the fall of the reduced. Reflection of the process of the fall of the reduced in written monuments. There are several hypotheses about the reasons for the fall of red-x. 1 . V. M. Markov, Ivanov. Red-e were lost because they were low-informative phonemes and were weakly contrasted with other vowel phonemes. b and b are characterized by special extras. sign – superbrevity. Markov: the information content of the editions decreased even more due to the spread of non-etymological editions, due to the rise of sonority. If this principle was violated, then inserted edits appeared: ВЪЗ Kommersant ZRETI – etymologically, there was no red at the end of the prefixes ending with –Z. The inserted edit appears to restore the ascending sonority. 2 . N. D. Rusinov. The loss of red was facilitated by a change in the character of stress. Initially the emphasis was musical. The stressed vowel was marked by intonation. In DRY very early on the emphasis became forceful. Shock The main one now stood out in strength and length. -> A contradiction arose: if there was a red-th before the stress, then it was pronounced shorter and weaker than before the g-th in an unstressed syllable, which contradicted the character of the stress: ДЪ'СКИ (boards). PPR in monuments. Dr. Russian monuments reflected an uneven picture. It is connected with the types of memories, with the territory of their origin, with the positions of editors. In everyday writing, red-e were retained longer than in book writing. Reminders reflect an earlier loss of red in a weak position, clarification - a later one. In various weak positions, the loss of red took place in different time. The earliest to be lost is the r-e in the initial pre-stressed syllable, especially in those morphemes where weak r-e did not alternate with strong ones: K Kommersant NѧЗь, M Kommersant NOGO, K Kommersant TO, H Kommersant THAT. The red at the absolute end of a word is lost early. This position was also not supported by the strong. At the end of words, red-e acted as separators when writing text continuously. Later, b and b began to indicate hard/soft according to. The loss of the terminal labials can be judged by indirect data: hardening of the terminal labials (most often M) - ѣM b (Ъ) -> eat, ТѣМ b (Ъ) -> that. The hardening of the final M took place throughout Rus'. Excl.: SEVEN, EIGHT. In some Russian dialects, the hardening of final labials is more widespread: KROV (=blood), GOLUB (=dove). In different dialects, they were lost at different times. In the south the fall occurred earlier (mid-11th century), in the north (mid-12th century). K ser. XIII century the fall of the red-x was completed.
Ъ, ь in combination with j changed: ъj > ы, jъj > и (combinatorial changes). ы, и could also be positional variants ыj, иj. Ave., roofs (covers). Positional changes include strong and weak positions -> in the same morpheme, reductions could alternate as strong and weak. Then the weak reduces stopped being pronounced at all, and the strong ones began to be pronounced as vowels of the full formation O and E. The reduces in weak positions were also lost, and in strong positions they were vocalized, but in different Eastern Slavic dialects in different ways. In dialects, which formed the basis of the RYa ы>о, и>е. Pr, shi/a > she/a, deaf > deaf. In dialects, which formed the basis of the Ukrainian and White languages, strong y, and passed into y, and full formation. Soon in Ukrainian, Y and I coincided in one I. Pr., Lii > lei (Rus), lii (Ukr), li (white). Wings> cut, krii, wings. The fate of the reduction depended on whether it was located before the smooth one or after it: 1. tъrt 2. trъt. In combinations of the 1st type in all dialects the reduction became clearer. Ave., targ, volna, djerzhati. In the combination of the 2nd type, the fate of the reduction already depended on the position. In strong positions, the reductions, as usual, became clearer. Ave., blood. In weak positions (Ex., slsa): 1. all East Slavs lost ed => 2. a confluence of consonants appeared 3. smooth developed syllabicity 4. but for the East Slavs, syllabification was not characteristic, so the process of liberation from syllabification took place -> in dialects of the Russian language, after the smooth ones, the vowels O and E developed. In certain words (as a dialectal phenomenon), both the reduction and the smooth ones were lost. Due to the syllabicity of smooth ones, the sounds Y and I developed in both the Ukrainian and Belarusian languages. In some cases, the results of reduction reductions were unexpected, and did not correspond to the rules of the corresponding positions: weak reductions could become clearer, and strong ones could be lost. Ave., Smolnsk > Smolensk, chttsa > reader (voz form Im.p.). Such forms arise in connection with grammatical analogy (the desire to generalize the basics of different forms words).
Changes in the syllabic and morphemic structure of the word due to the fall of reduced ones. The PR led to the restructuring of the sound system of the DRY, since it stopped the development of the basic patterns of the more ancient period of history. After PR, the law of open syllables lost its relevance (although the tendency towards open syllables remained). So the words that had in DRY 2 open syllables: sto/lъ, ko/н, съ/нъ, turned out to be monosyllabic, and with a closed syllable: table, kon’, sleep. Syllabic synharmonism has also lost its relevance: within one syllable, sounds of heterogeneous articulation have become possible ( forest– in 1 syllable there is a soft consonant, a front vowel and a hard consonant). All this led to the spread of monosyllabic words in the Russian language (prior to PR, mainly some conjunctions and prepositions). The loss of weak words and the associated changes in syllable structure led to the appearance of new grammatical forms and new morphemes in the DRY. “0 ending” - the form of the word represents a pure base as a result of the loss of the final weak b or b. Before PR, b and b were the endings of the forms I. p., singular. parts of words m.r.: table, horse, words m. and f. R.: guest, bone. After PR, a “0 ending” appeared in these forms. But if forms with “0 ending” were only in words with b and b at the end, then the consequences of PR would not go beyond the scope of purely phonetic phenomena. Having emerged as a result of PR, the new forms became a grammatical phenomenon, i.e., characterizing the morphological system of the PR and its forms of inflection. Grammar elements consisting of one consonant also developed in the same way (before PR there were no morphemes consisting of 1 consonant). Example: up to PR form 3 l., units. and many more including present verbs vr. ended in [t], after PR the ending became only [t’]. After PR, suffixal morphemes from some acc. Example: instead of DRY sufs - sk-, -nn-, -yk-, arose – sk-, -n-, -To- (stick - stick). In DRY such morphemes are completely excluded.
Changes in the system of consonant phonemes due to the fall of reduced ones. After the PR, the following processes occurred: 1 . formation of phonemes f/f’. Previously, they were found only in borrowings. After PR, I/V stunning occurred in the abs. the end of the word (cro f’) and before the next. deaf (morko f ka). Phonemes v/v’ have positional variants f/f’. The prerequisites for the emergence of independent phonemes f/f’ are created. The process is supported by the presence of a sufficient number of borrowings from f/f’ in strong positions ( f araon). Until now, in dialects where there is no stunning in, in these positions, replacement with xv, p. 2 . formation of correlation based on ringing/voicelessness of a consonant. Before PR, voiced and voiceless acc. existents, but they did not form correlative series, that is, there were no positions where the deaf were voiced and the voiced were deafened. Excl.: z/s, because there was no red in the prefixes ending with –z. To PR ПѧДь – ПѧТь; ROG - ROCK. Neutralization positions for deaf/ringing appeared: the end of the word, before the noisy consonant. This meant that the deaf/ringing became a positionally determined quality. Instead of parallel rows, intersecting rows appeared: before PR<д>- [d],<т>- [t], after PR [d], [t]. POND – ROOD, MATCH – WEDDING. After the PR, the meaning-distinguishing role of this feature weakened. As a result of the emergence of correlation, a large number of homophones arose. 3 . formation of correlation by hard/soft consonant. By the beginning of the written period, a secondary softening of semi-soft occurred -> hard/soft pairs appeared. Up to PR soft acc. did not act as independent ones, because they did not perform a meaningful role. After the loss of the final red, either hard or soft began to be found at the end of words. acc. -> they became the only distinguishers of meaning in the position of the end of the word: BYL – BYL’(b). Hard/soft completely freed themselves from the influence of vowels and became independent phonemes. The sign hard/soft strengthened its semantic distinctive role.
Changes in the system of vowel phonemes due to the fall of reduced ones. After the PR, the number of vowels was reduced and the vowel system was simplified. The phonemes b, b ceased to exist. 7 voices left. phonemes. One of the differentiating features has been lost – longitude (quantitative, quantitative). There was a unification of phonemes<ы>And<и>in one. Their fate is connected with the categories hard/soft. 1 . At first, hardness and softness as a paired phenomenon were very limited. All hard ones could only receive semi-softness. At that time<ы>And<и>are independent phonemes: soap - mil. 2 . To the beginning written period there was a secondary softening of semi-soft. Couples appeared, but soft ones. not yet independent. Usually during this period, a whole syllable (syllabem) played a distinctive role: soap - mil: the vowel no longer plays a decisive role, but acc. Haven't purchased the role yet. Phonemes<ы>And<и>connection with consonant, i.e., dephonologization of the row feature of vowels occurs, i.e., weakening of the phonemic role. 3 . After PR soft acc. became independent phonemes -> exactly acc. began to play a leading role and began to determine the number of vowels (previously it was the other way around). Y and I became allophones of one phoneme<и>: [s], [and], because the sound [s] is more limited in its positions. It does not occur at the beginning of words and is not used in isolation. In terms of articulation, [ы] is clearly different from [and], it can be pronounced in isolation -> including it. in table vowels. Transformation<ы>, <и>into one phoneme has been observed, according to memory, since the 12th century: the replacement of [and] with [s] after hard ones: PICK UP -> PICK UP, SJ IVAN -> SB YVAN.
Take a closer look at the ancient spellings of the words you know: house, book, who, what, bryvno. Although you know all the letters, you will find it difficult to read these words. The use of the letters ъ and ь, which is strange for the modern reader, makes it difficult. The fact is that initially these letters denoted special vowels that were in ancient Slavic languages. Many words then contained more syllables than now: the word house consisted of two syllables: do-m, book - of three: k-ni-ga, log - of four syllables: b-r-v-no.
Having studied the origin of the vowels [ъ] and [ь] and their further fate, scientists found that these sounds were pronounced shorter and weaker than all other vowels, and called them reduced or vowels of incomplete formation. Apart from special brevity, the vowel [ъ] in the Old Russian language was close in pronunciation to [o], and [ь] -к [е].
Reduced vowels were independent phonemes: they were opposed to the other vowels and to each other, serving as distinguishers of word forms (a word form is a word in one of its grammatical forms). Compare kol ("stake") and kolo ("wheel"), съьрати ("to collect") and събirati ("to collect"), chist ("clean") and chist ("clearing")
Subsequently, the reduced vowels in some positions weakened and disappeared even more, while in others, on the contrary, they strengthened and changed into vowels of full formation: [ъ] [о], [ь] [е]. Words that were reduced at the end disappeared (table -> - stol, horse -*? kon") and before the vowel of full formation: кто -*? who, whose -> - what, vesna -> - spring. -If before the disappeared reduced there was the other is reduced, then it changes into a vowel of complete formation: сън снъ, мълть ->- raft", дн ->- дн". In the word Брьвно, of the three reduced ones, one (before [o]) disappeared, the second from the end changed into [e ], the third disappeared: a log. In the same way, chick -> chick, pierce -> - pierce.
Having disappeared in some positions and changed in [o] and [e] in others, reduced by the 13th century. lost as special phonemes. This is what is called the fall of the reduced. So, the number of vowel phonemes has decreased by two. The change itself is not that significant. But language is a system whose elements are connected to each other, and changing some of them leads to a greater or lesser restructuring of others. The fall of the reduced ones caused such a restructuring of the phonetic system of the Russian language as no other historical change.
First of all, the character of the syllable has changed. Before this, syllables were, as a rule, open, that is, they ended in a vowel. After the fall of the reduced, closed syllables appeared at the end of many word forms. Compare the fruit and the fruit, the eye and the peephole, the life and the reaper.
Many consonants, finding themselves at the end of a word, underwent various changes. For example, voiced consonants changed into voiceless ones: fruit -> - fruit -*? plo [t], rog -*? horn -*? ro [k], fish fish fish [p] (genus plural), etc.
If at the end of a word there was a combination: consonant + [l], it was simplified. Thus, the past tense form without -l- (nes, etc.) was obtained from the form with -l- (nes-l-b): nesl nesl ->- nes.
And in the middle of the word, various hitherto unusual combinations arose, for example, a voiceless and a voiced sound appeared next to each other. Assimilation took place, i.e., the assimilation of one sound to another, the voiceless one became voiced, if the voiced one went further (къдъ -*? кдь ->- [г] db; съръъ скір ->- |з]гор), and vice versa (boat boat - >- lo [t] ka; nails ->- nails ->- but [k] ti).
The changes in consonants that occurred after the fall of the reduced consonants led to a restructuring of the phoneme system. Thus, voiced and voiceless consonant phonemes have never coincided before. Now they began to coincide at the end of words and before noisy consonants. For example, the words fruit and flesh used to differ in all cases, but after the fall of the reduced cases they coincided in the form of them. and wine cases units numbers: plo [t] - plo [d] a and plo [t] - plo-[t]a. Compare also ka[t]ka (from a Kadak) - ka[d]ok and ka[g\ka (from a Kadak) -ka[t]ok (a tool).
Great changes have occurred in the relationship between hard and soft consonants. Previously, the hardness and softness of consonants (for those of them that were paired with hardness and softness) was closely related to the character of the next vowel. So, before [ъ] there could only be a hard consonant, and before [ь] - only a soft one. Compare put (born from shuga - “fetters”) and path. Before the fall of the reduced ones, they differed not only in the hardness or softness of the consonants, but also in the final vowels: [ъ] and [ь]. Not hard and soft consonants were contrasted with each other, but entire syllables. After the fall of the reduced, hard and soft consonants became possible at the end of a word, where their hardness or softness did not “hang from the neighbors: pu [t] and pu [t"], ko[n] and ko hi"], po [l] and by [l "] (“fields”). Consequently, hard and soft consonants became independent phonemes.
So, after the fall of phonemes reduced in the system, the role of vowels decreased, and the role of consonants increased. This answered general direction history of the phonetic system of the Russian language (see Internal laws of language).
The fall of the reduced also affected morphology.
Firstly, endings of a new type appeared. Previously, all endings had a sound expression, but after the fall of the reduced ones they appeared null endings(see Zero units in language):
It was: table-b - table-a - table-y...; fish-y - fish-b
Became: table-D-table-a - table-y...; fish-s-fish-P
Secondly, alternations of phonemes arose in the grammatical forms of many words<о>And<е>with zero (fluent vowels): Was: сън-ъ - сън-а - сън-у...; all - all - all.
Became: dream-P- sn-a-s-u...; spring-P-- spring-s.
Thus, for some words, alternations (o) and (e) with zero have become an additional (in addition to endings) way of contrasting grammatical forms.
The fall of the reduced occurred in all Slavic languages, but this process proceeded differently in them.
1. The main differences between the Early Old Russian language system and the South Slavic system reflected in Old Slavic written monuments.
East Slavic:
The second and third falls (for x) did not materialize.
TorT > ToroT TъrT> TъrT orT > roT(boat)
Tj > h ktj> h dj> w
Stj,skj, sk + i > w’t’sh’
Zdj, zgj, zg + i > zh’d’zh’
Formatting the beginning of a word:
u(оугъ) ja о(oleNь)
South Slavic:
The second and third falls (for x) came true
TotT>Tr (syllable)T orT>raT (rook)
Tj> sh’t’ ktj>c’t’ dj> w’d’
Stj,skj, sk + i > w’t’
Zdj, zgj, zg + i > w’d’
Formatting the beginning of a word:
ju(south), a(az), jе (jelen)
Differences in sound composition:
The presence of smooth syllabics in South Slavic
South Slavic sh’t’ zh’d’ and sh’t’sh’ and zh’d’zh’ - East Slavic
VSL did not have nasals, YUSL had
Yat > yusl [ya] and > vsl
Morphological differences:
Soft version *a (r. unit, i. pl.) *o (v. pl.):
yusl – ending: e-nos vsl – yat, a, i
-*o (TV. pl.) yusl – om vsl – ъмь
Places 3l. and return: yusl-you (yat) all-you (yet)
In the living DYN, simple past tenses (aorist, imperfect) were not used
3l. units h. Ch. endings: yusl - t all - t
Dv. h.: yusl - in (yat) tata vsl- in (yat) tata
2. History of nasal vowels: their appearance in the Proto-Slavic language; sound quality in the East Slavic dialect zone; time and results of their loss.
In the Proto-Slavic language, from combinations of vowels with the sonants “n” and “m” in the position before the consonants, two nasal vowels developed, one of which was a front sound, and the other non-front. The front nasal vowel received realizations: from e (nose) to i (nose), and the back nasal vowel from a (nose) to u (nose). In those Proto-Slavic dialects that formed the basis of the language of the Eastern Slavs, the front nasal vowel, such as я (nose), the non-front nasal vowel was u(nose). It should be noted that in Proto-Slavic dialects the level of rise of the front nasal vowel directly depended on the level of rise of the sound that realized the phoneme (yat). In those dialects where (yat) was pronounced as a low vowel (ya), the front nasal was located at the level of the middle rise (e-nos), in those dialects where (yat) was embodied in the sound of the middle-upper rise (ie), the front nasal sounded like “I”, that is, it was a low vowel.
Nasal vowels are preserved only in Polish language and in certain dialects of the Slovenian and Macedonian languages.
With the disappearance of nasal vowels, there was simply a loss of rhynesism, i.e. nasal pronunciation. While the oral articulation of vowels was preserved.
The process of loss of nasal vowels occurred in the entire language in the period preceding the creation of the first written monuments (10-11th century), which was expressed in the change of letters yus b. and yus m. to y, i, and there are also reverse substitutions (hypercorrection).
Time of loss of nasals. Data extracted from the Novgorod Codex and the Ostromir Gospel indicate that in the 11th century there were no longer nasal vowels in the speech of the Eastern Slavs.
Material from non-Slavic sources helps us get closer to this problem. In the work of the Byzantine Emperor Bagrynarodny (“Oyu Governance of the State” 949), he listed the Dnieper rapids and cited their Slavic names. The first names are Old Russian form“virouchi” (the vowel u in the participial suffix goes back to the nasal o). The second name is the Old Russian word “nejasyt” (in the Old Slavic there was e-nos). The absence of letters of nasal consonants in the transmission of these words indicates that he did not hear a nasal overtone in their pronunciation, which means that by the middle of the tenth century, nasal vowels were lost in the entire vocal system.
So, the process of loss of nasals took place between the 7th and 10th centuries (this is also evidenced by Baltic-Finnish borrowings from Slavic). The composition of vowel systems in the vocal system inherited by East Slavic dialects from the Proto-Slavic language has changed. If earlier there were 11 vowel phonemes, now there are 10.
3. The “original” vowel system of the Old Russian language: the composition of phonemes, their sound implementations.
After the loss of nasals, 10 phonemes remained.
Front row: Top: “i” Middle-top: “(yat)” Middle: “e” “b” Bottom: (a umlaut)
Front row: Top: “s”, “u” Middle: “b”, “o” Bottom: “a”
Differential features:
Lift/Row
Labialize/non-labialize (only for top counterlift)
Quantitativeness (ъ,ь – super-short, е,о – short, the rest – long)
Implementation of phonemes:
ъ – possibly labialized, because it came from Ukrainian.
(yat) - Shakhmatov and Vinogradov said that realiz., as “ie”, Selishchev - as “e”-closed
4. Reduced vowels in the “original” phonetic system of the Old Russian language: strong and weak positions; the question of [ǐ] and [ы̌] reduced.
“ъ” and “ь” were located in the middle rise zone, and “ъ” was a non-front vowel, “ь” was a front vowel.
Depending on their position in the word, the reduced ones were in the so-called strong and weak positions. In a strong pose. reduced vowels were pronounced close to full vowels, while weak vowels were pronounced very briefly. => later the strong ones coincided with the vowels of full formation, and the weak ones disappeared.
Weak positions:
1. absolute end of a non-monosyllabic word form
2. before a syllable with a full vowel
3. before a syllable with a reduced in strong position
Strong position:
1.before weak reduced
2. in combination type TъrT
Reduced “ъ” and “ь” in the position before j appeared in their positional varieties, which are usually called “ы” and “и” reduced. Tense reduced could be in a strong and weak position, just like ъ and ь, but the weak position of the end of the word and the strong position in combinations like TъrT were irrelevant.
Y reduce. is not represented in a weak position in the DRY.
5. The composition of consonant phonemes in the “original” phonetic system of the Old Russian language; positional realizations of consonants.
labiolabial: adult p b nose. m
labiodental: freak in
anterior lingual - dental: adult : t d fricative: s s nasal: n lateral: l
anterior ulcer - anterior palatal: tremulous p
meso-protonal: fricative. w w s’ z’ affricates c’ complex sh’t’sh’ and z’d’zh’
nasal n’ and lateral l’
Middle tongue-medium finger: frikate. j affricate h
Posterior-palatal: vizr k g freak x
Consonant sounds were divided into voiceless, voiced, noisy and sonorant.
The sound “v” appeared in the Proto-Slavic language in the late period of its development and, after consonantization, became a noisy fricative consonant, passing through the stage of the sonorant “w”. In some Slavic dialects, the phoneme "v" still retains traces of its sonorant origin.
You should pay attention to the absence of the phoneme “f” in the original system. The Cyrillic alphabet had two letters that had no sound correspondence in the living language of the Slavs (f and feta); they were used to write borrowed words, particularly those of Greek origin. If borrowings with this sound (for example, Christian names of Greek origin) penetrated into the dialect speech of the Eastern Slavs, then f was replaced by p хв or х.
6. Differential characteristics of consonant phonemes in the “original” phonetic system of the Old Russian language.\
Place of education
Method of education
Palatality/non-palatality
Deafness + tension/voice + non-tension (but which of them is accompanying and which is the main one is unknown)
Hardness/softness (positional, non-phonological semi-softness, which only “k”, “g”, “x” did not possess, which are always hard)
In the DRY there were constantly soft consonants: initially hard sounds, which as a result of palatalization and combinations with j underwent changes. The existence of a palatal row (when a consonant sound undergoes palatalization, additional articulation is formed - the middle part of the back of the tongue rises towards the hard palate. When pronouncing a palatal consonant, the only articulation is that the back of the tongue comes into contact with the middle palate, or forms a gap with it, resulting in a very soft sound).
Evidence of the existence of the palatal series in the original system is provided by data from the oldest written monuments: 1 - a special designation for palatal sonorants, 2 - the palatality of sonorants was conveyed by subsequent iotized letters, 3 - diacritics were used. 7. Syllable structure in the Early Old Russian language.
The syllable was built on the basis of a tendency towards ascending sonority.
Beginning of syllable > s z; j + vowel > plosives, affricates > fricatives (“х” “ш” “ж”) > nasal sonorants and “v” > “р” “л” > vowel > end of syllable
The proximity of two noisy ones (voiced + deaf) is unacceptable.
Two consonants that had the same degree of sonority could not stand side by side
- “x” either began a syllable or was located after s at the junction of the prefix and the root
The syllable was necessarily closed by a vowel, i.e. the syllables tended to be open
Combinations like Tъ(ь)rT did not correspond to the trend of ascending sonority; accordingly, early Old Russian pronunciation had closed syllables.
8. Basic principles of organizing the accent system of the Old Russian language.
In the Proto-Slavic accentuation system there were syllabic tones, usually called syllabic intonations in historical accentology. For the Proto-Slavic language, three syllabic intonations are reliably reconstructed:
Acute (sharply ascending part and longer descending slope)
New acute (rising)
Circumflex (descending)
Only syllables with Indo-European long vowels could be under the acute intonation. In the Old Russian language there are two types of stress: autonomous (which arose in place of the old and new acute) and automatic (corresponding to the Proto-Slavic circumflex).
In the flow of speech, sentences were divided into tact groups (a word form or several word forms united by one stress). All word forms were divided into accent-independent word forms and clitics, which were subdivided into proclitics (prepositions, conjunctions, particles “not”, “neither”, which were adjacent to the accent-independent word form on the left) and enclitics (particles “zhe”, “li”, “bo” "and pronominal word forms “mya” “mi”, etc., which were adjacent to the accented independent word form on the right)
Accent-independent word forms were divided into two classes: orthotonic (word forms, one of the syllables of which had phonological stress, they were characterized by autonomous stress, and the second type: enclinomen, in which all syllables were unstressed). The initial syllable of the enclinomen was characterized by some prosodic reinforcement, which is called automatic stress.
The bar group could consist of: 1. an accent-independent word form, 2. an accent-independent word form and a clitic, 3. two accent-independent word forms, 4. a proclitic-enclitic complex
9. Early Old Russian dialect phenomena in the field of phonetics.
There are 5 ancient dialects: Smolno-Polotsk (South Krivichi), Old Pskov (Severnokrivichsky), Ilmen-Slovenian, Galician-Volyn, Rostov-Suzdal.
1. The absence of a second transitional softening of the posterior palatal.
In the Northern Curve dialect, “k”, “g”, “x” before (yat) and “i” softened into “k’”, “g’”, “x'”, but did not turn into sibilants (k(yat )le= intact). Reflection of the absence of a second palatalization in roots is rare, but there are numerous examples at the junction of stem and ending.
In the north curve there was also no dialect: palatalization in the combinations “kv” “gv” before (yat) and “and” of diphthong origin (nail)
This was not the case in other dialects, but in the future, as a result of the alignment of paradigms, the effects of the second palatalization at the junction of the stem and ending were eliminated.
2. Absence of 3 palatalization for *x (for northern curve dialects)
3 palatalization took place for “k” and most likely for “g”, but did not occur for “x”. This is manifested in the fact that the word “vs” has retained the basis of “vs” throughout the entire paradigm.
3. Reflexes of some Proto-Slavic combinations of consonants with j.
Common Eastern Slavic reflexes сj >ш zj>ж tj>ч dj>ж. In Pskov and Smolensk dialects сj >х’ zj>г (frik. soft) tj>к’ dj>г’, and then in the position before the front vowel they hardened (burden>noha luck>udaka)
- In the Novgorod dialect the development follows the common East Slavic type, but there are isolated examples in Smolensk and Pskov
Zdj, zgj, zg+ch. lane row > yusl: z’d’z’(zhch) Novgor. z’g’(zhg) vsl = yusl
- stj, skj, sk+ ch. series > in all VSL except Novgorod. s’t’s’ (shch) in ancient Novgorod. s’k’(shk)
4. Reflexes of Proto-Slavic combinations tl and dl:
In Pskov dialects tl and dl became kl, gl, and not l, as in all other Proto-Slavic dialects (privileged)
5. Hissy pronunciation is soft. whistling.
In Pskov dialects, the pronunciation of softened “s” and “z” approaches hissing “sh” and “zh” => the appearance of intermediate sounds between them => mutual exchange letters s-sh, s-f (I will punish - I will punish)
In ancient times in the sibilant dialect, sibilants are very rare
6. Clattering.
Ts m.b. soft, sizzling, hard
Form. in the addendum. era. It was typical for the Krivich dialect and the dialect of Ilmen Slovenes.
Already in the oldest Novgorod. letters sources there is an exchange of the letters “ts” and “ch” (womb = womb)
Pskov and Smolensk dialects: also displacement of “ts” and “ch”.
In the 11th and 15th centuries, clicking was expressed freely, but was then removed from written speech.
7. Reflexes praslav. combinations like TъrT
The standard combination TъrT did not change in the East Slavic language.
- Northern Kriviche and Novgorod dialects - insertion of one more vowel after a smooth one: TъrT > TъrъT - epenthetic vowels, which were then identified with the original reduced vowels => under certain conditions, a second full consonance developed.
The spellings TъrT were discovered, where the vowel letter comes after the letter smooth (mlovila = molvila) 2 options: 1. behind this writing there are combinations “ro”, “lo”, which developed from the combination TrъT. 2. Availability in Drevnenovgorod. the territory of the dialect, which knew smooth syllabics, in which vowel overtones arose.
8. Quality of a voiced velar consonant.
In the southern part of the East Slav. zone g (fricative) in place of g (explosive) even in the preliterate era
All other dialects retained r (explosive). But in the 13-14th century, g frik developed in Smolensk dialects.
10. Phonetic features of the Old Novgorod dialect, reflected in Novgorod birch bark letters.
11. The problem of secondary softening of consonants.
This concept refers to the process of transforming semi-soft consonants into soft ones, i.e. into palatalized ones. But the initial quality of hard consonants before front vowels is unknown to us, so two assumptions are possible:
1. In the late Proto-Slavic period, these consonants were semi-soft and, in the process of secondary softening, at the stage of the existence of the DRY, they became palatalized.
2. In the Proto-Slavic language of the late period, the consonants before the front vowels were palatalized, i.e. secondary easing occurred earlier.
This process took place in the East Slavic region everywhere before all front vowels, but there are dialects in which the consonants before the front vowels are not always palatalized, for example, in the Ukrainian language, before “e” and “i” there are hard consonants, but here the later hardening was initially palatalized consonants, because in the second person plural of the imperative mood in the Ukrainian language “robit”, not “those” - the consonants are palatalized, hence the preservation of softness at the end of the word, hence the hardening in a later period.
Another proof that in the East Slavic dialects it was precisely the hardening of consonants that was observed, and not the preservation of the original semi-softness, is the fact that in those dialects where the softening is inconsistent, not only the consonants that go back to the second softened ones are hard, but also the original soft ones (palatal). -Secondary softening of consonants does not mean the appearance of a correlation in hardness and softness, since palatalization was positional, therefore the consonant and vowel in a syllable were inextricably linked, which Avanesov called silabems. The correlation appeared only after the fall of reduced ones, since soft consonants became possible only at the end of a word and before other consonants.
12. The fall of reduced ones in the Old Russian language. The fate of the sounds [ъ] and [ь]: the basic rule of their loss and clarification; deviations from this rule.
- PR-fall of reduced. PR led to the divergence of Slavic languages. Trubetskoy even believed that the Late Slavic language existed before the fall of the reduced ones. In the process of PR ь иь in weak positions were lost, and in strong positions they became a vowel of full formation.
The fate of the sounds ъ and ь is outside of combinations with smooth ones:
Reflection on the letter: Weak positions - omission of ъ and ь, hypercorrection (insertion where they were not present) Strong positions - ъ>о ь >е
Deviations from falling reduced:
1. jь – “b” should have fallen out, but jь coincided with ji => everything turned into i. Also jь, which was in a strong position, could change not into “e”, but into “i” (fried eggs)
2. Illegal clarification of weak reduced ones:
To avoid complex pronunciation of consonants + alignment in paradigms, usually in city names (Smolensk).
3. Anti-alignment: there was nothing, but there was an alternation, for example, Moat - Moat, because similar to mouth- mouth + also ice ring stone.
4. Church Slavonicisms. Could manifest itself in a weak position. From book texts they penetrated into the language => sometimes word pairs appeared (sunrise-sunrise). The influence of Church Slavonicisms was high, for example in words with prefixes.
13. The fate of combinations like *tъrt in the history of the Russian language. The question of the second full agreement and its origins.
In these combinations ъ and ь were always in a strong position, therefore they always appeared in the vowel of full formation (tyrg - bargain). The clarification of the reduced in such combinations is reflected in written monuments starting from the 12th century.
However, in addition to the described reflex described for the East Slavic languages, in the northwestern Russian dialects, as well as in the North Smolensk dialects, another reflex is presented: it is called the second full vowel, since vowels of the same quality stand on both sides of the smooth (serep = sickle). It seems that it is most realistic to associate the appearance of the second full vowel with the fact that the Northern Krivish and Novgorod dialects - the insertion of another vowel after the smooth one: TъrT > TъrъT are epenthetic vowels, which were later identified with the original reduced ones.
Subsequently, in the process of the fall of the reduced ones, the first vowel, as a strong vowel, became clearer, the second, if it was in a strong vowel, also became clearer, and if it was in a weak vowel, it dropped out. However, there are also cases where the epenthetic reduced has developed illegally in a vowel of full formation, for example, kholomok = kholomok. Several word forms with the effect of the second full consonance have penetrated into SRL, for example, rope, dunce.
14. The fate of combinations like *trъt in East Slavic dialects.
In the Russian language, it was clarified in the vowel of full formation in both strong and weak positions (thunder, flea).
Explanation of the appearance of a vowel in a weak position:
1. The reduced one did not fall out, because then a cluster of vowels was formed.
2. disappearance of the reduced => appearance of the syllabic smooth, which is not typical for the Russian language, which is overcome by the insertion of a vowel. Western and southwestern dialects passed through this stage: Ukrainian and Belarusian, because there Y is found in a weak position in place of the reduced one, for example, “grimiti” in Ukrainian, “grymets” in Belarusian, “gremet” in Russian.
In dialects, an overtone could also appear before a consonant: kerva = blood
15. History of sounds [и̌] and [ы̌] reduced in the Russian language.
They were designated in writing by the letters “and” and “s” (Blue). They shared the fate of “b” and “b” in weak positions (life - life).
Reflection on writing from the 12th to 13th centuries - writing “b” instead of and
In the 14th century, such writings were absolutely normative
In strong positions we moved to chapter. complete education:
1. Northeast. dialects: > “e” and “o” (people - people, blind > blind) from the 13th century. this change is reflected in the spelling.
2. North Krivichy area – ed. > "s, e, o"
3. Ilmenoslovensky ed.>o
4. Eastern Belarusian + Pskov, Smolensk: ed. > e (young)
5. Southwestern. In Ukrainian and Belarusian ed. > s and ed.>i. It is difficult to find reflections of this type, because writing is kind, we were normative. You can trust these writings when they are found in birch bark documents that are not oriented towards the book norm.
16. Chronology of the process of the fall of the reduced in the history of the Russian language.
Usually the theory developed at one time by Falev is stated and consists in the fact that the process of the fall of the reduced began with the loss of “ъ” and “ь” in the so-called absolutely weak positions. Those. in those morphemes where the reduced one never found itself in a strong position during the change of form. In a similar position there were reduced ones in words such as “къде” “къто”, etc. The omission of reduced ones is observed precisely in these cases, as well as in the pronoun “вьь” already in the Arkhangelsk Gospel 1092. However, the omission of Ъ in such cases is most likely purely orthographic phenomenon. Because observed in Old Slavonic monuments. However, according to the data of ancient singing texts (Kondakars), we can judge that “ъ” and “ь” in such positions were pronounced: “вььььььььь”. This means we cannot say that the weak “ъ” and “ь”, which were not supported in a strong position, were the first to disappear.
It should be noted that the fall of the reduced began in the south and only then covered the northern regions.
Probably, the reduced ones initially began to disappear in a fast pace of speech, while remaining in a slow pronunciation. It can be assumed that the pronunciation of weak reduced ones preceded the manifestation of strong ones. Shakhmatov believed that the weak reduced ones were lost first in the initial syllable, and then in the middle and final ones, but Zaliznyak’s research showed that the reduced ones of the final syllable were the first to disappear (ем>емъ, to harden, m had to become final). Judging by the data of birch bark letters, the loss of non-finite weak reduced ones continued for about a hundred years in the Novgorod dialect. From approximately the second quarter of the 12th century to the tenth years of the 13th century.
Reduced last longer:
1. Between different voicings in terms of deafness, acc.
2. In groups according to
3. In the suffix “ьск”
4. After the beginning “v”, because it was quite highly sonorous
5. after the beginning l and r
17. Assimilative changes in consonants of a regressive and progressive nature that occurred after the fall of reduced consonants in Old Russian dialects.
1. Regressive assimilation on TV. soft For example, from the Old Russian “v(yat)rynyi” the modern “faithful” arises. It should be noted that the hardening did not cover all consonants: so almost everywhere, the softness of l’ is preserved: benefit, free. In addition, assimilative hardening could be delayed: before the suffix ьск in dialects there are still forms like: [female] An example of assimilative softening is the acquisition of softness by the prefix “s” ([s’t’emn’et’]). Birch bark documents demonstrate that the process of assimilative softening was already underway in the 12th century.
2. Regressive assimilation in terms of dullness of voiced sounds (svatba - wedding, istba - izba kade - where).
3. Regressive assimilation at the place of education. Thus, the assimilation of anteropalatal fricatives by dental fricatives can be considered common to Old Russian. [shshiti] from sew
4. Progressive assimilation on TV. softness. softening of the posterior tongue consonant. To this day, the pronunciations of daughter and chaiku are preserved in dialects. L’ affects the subsequent consonant, for example, more painfully.
5. Progressive assimilation by voicing: B'chela > bzhela in Ukrainian, bee in Russian.
6. Progressive assimilation into deafness. Sjdorov > store dial. stoumati = to think
18. Dissimilation and simplification of consonant groups as a consequence of the fall of reduced ones.
In some cases, after the loss of weak reduced ones, dissimilation of consonants was carried out if two plosives were nearby, so the Russian “kto” could be pronounced as “khto”. Written monuments also allow us to state the dissimilatory change to, which acts as a preposition before the subsequent explosive consonant of a significant word. Thus, in the texts of the Smolensk pronunciation, the implementation of the preposition “k” in the sound “x” before the plosive “k” “p” “t” (“x kolomne”) is reflected. Another method of dissimilation, not by the method but by the place of formation, is reflected in the monuments of business writing of the Tikhvin- Assumption Monastery of the first half of the 17th century: t bell tower.
Simplification of consonant groups: after the fall of the reduced: After the fall of the reduced, previously impossible consonantal combinations were formed, some of which turned out to be difficult to pronounce => simplification of consonant groups:
stv > stv (growth
zhsk > shsk > ssk (from Velissk povet (from the toponym Velizh), muskikh (male))
stsk > ck (pogoskaya
stn>cn (crepasnoi
zdn>zn (pozno
s’t’j> s’j (pastry
what>piece(what
19. Phonetic changes at the beginning and end of a word that occurred in the Russian language due to the fall of reduced ones.
After the loss of the reduced ones, a combination of sonorant with sonorant or noisy could be formed, unacceptable from the point of view of the structure of the syllable, for example, “linen”, “rye”. In many Russian dialects, such combinations were eliminated by acquiring syllabification by the initial consonant => the words “olnyanoy” “alnyanoy” “ilnyanoy” “arzhanoy” were formed.
The phenomenon of the end of a word:
1.Deafening of the final consonant since the end of the 13th century
2. hardening of the soft labials, for example “im” - “im”, but seven - seven is preserved.
3. Smooth + noisy: unacceptable from the point of view of the structure of the syllable, therefore, the insertion of a vowel after the back lingual “o”, in other cases “e” (fire - fire, wind-wind). Preserved in combination with l epentheticum (l from combinations bj) (ruble, but in dialects ruble).
4. In past participles, the final consonant is lost (was: nes'l became nes')
5. In some dialects, simplification of the final st - st (tail-tail)
20. Change in syllable structure after the fall of reduced ones. The disappearance of final unstressed vowels of complete formation.
The most important consequence of the fall of the reduced is the regular formation of closed syllables and the cessation of the action of the closed syllable. As a result, the tendency towards syllabic synharmony, which assumed that the sounds in a word should be of the same timbre, was also disrupted. Now, in a word such as “b(yat)g”, a soft front vowel and a hard consonant coexist in one syllable.
Since final closed syllables were formed in the DRY, a process became possible which consisted in the disappearance of final unstressed vowels, which were preceded by a single consonant or the group “st”. The vowel could be lost as part of inflection and at the end of some unchangeable words. Examples:
-(yat): v(yat)d(yat) - after all, but in dokol (yat), dosel (yat) has disappeared optionally
U: TV. p zh.r unit h. wife - wife; no - no; perhaps - perhaps
E: to the sr degree optional: rather - sooner + less - only, perhaps, already - already
A: in the reflexive postfix “sya”, “sya” is preserved after consonants, but “sya” after vowels + “want (nose)” > at least, while places > for now
A: here - here, there - there, what - how
And: infinitive of the Russian verb: pisati - write, pishesh - write; d. local units ch. zh.r attached: dobroi - kind, li - l + mother, daughter - mother daughter
Y: would – b ( former form aorist)
Happened after the fall of the reduced. Palatalized and hard consonant sounds were in a relationship of additional distribution and were positional variants of one phoneme. After the loss of reduced palatality/non-palatality becomes significant because strong positions were formed at the end of a word and before another consonant, where a hard consonant was opposed to a soft one (searched - Vaska). The disappearance of palatal sonorants, which became palatalized, which dates back to the end of the 12th and beginning of the 13th century.
Fully strong positions before the sounds “a” and “u” => a unification of declension types occurred, when nouns with a historical stem in “i” received the ending of nouns with a stem in “o”.
Before the fall of the reduced ones, the palatal row was opposed to the non-palatal row, but now pairs are lined up according to palatalization and velarization. In Pskov dialects, where soft sibilants were pronounced in accordance with s’ and z’, the pairs s- c’ z – z’ were not formed. In a number of DR dialects, the softness of final labial consonants was not maintained, and therefore the opposition of hard and soft labials in the position of the end of a word was lost. In Pskov and Smolensk dialects the hardening is r’ (kryk), some such words began to belong to the Russian language as a whole (wing). In Southern Russian and Northern Russian dialects there are dialects in which the process of hardening soft consonants before front vowels or at the end of a word has occurred. We see that a hardness/softness correlation has not formed there.
The strengthening of the differences occurred due to the coincidence of Y and I in one phoneme and the process of changing E into O.
22. History of labial spirants in the Russian language.
In the original system there is only one spirant "in". IN modern language four: “v” “v’” “f” “f’”. The correlation between hardness and softness consistently developed only in the dialects of the center.
In Rostov-Suzdal dialects, “v”, after falling reduced before a voiceless consonant or at the absolute end of a word, was deafened (v - f, v" - f'). At the first stage, f and f' are only a variety of phonemes v and v', but in In borrowings, F is no longer replaced by P XB X => gradually become independent phonemes.
In other dialects, “v” sounded only before vowels at the end of the word and before consonants “w” . In southwestern dialects, the position of the absolute beginning of the word “w” could turn into “u” (udova - widow). Reflection in monuments from the second half of the 12th century (replacing “in” with “ou”: ouze (nos)ti = take). In Smolensk texts of a later period there is a hyper-correct replacement of “u” with “v”. Also, the preposition “in” no longer differs in pronunciation from the preposition “u” => their mena (“oh one and a half rubles”). 23. History of hissing consonants and [ts] in dialects of the Russian language.
In the original system there are 5 sibilant consonants (sh', zh', sh't'sh', zh'd'zh', ch'), which were palatal and the affricate “ts”, which was also palatal in many dialects, where there was a clicking sound.
The hardening of these consonants is evidenced by the letters “ы” and “ъ” after them, but the spelling “shu” “zha” “tsa” is not indicative, because softness was a constant quality, i.e. there was no need to designate it in writing with an iotized letter.
The most ancient examples of hardening “w” and “zh” are in texts of the 14th century (do you hear). The process was uneven: in the Smolensk dialects the softness of the sibilants was maintained until the beginning of the 17th century, while in the neighboring Pskov dialects the sibilants were hard.
In those dialects where “sh” and “zh” hardened by the 14th century, “ts” remained soft until the second half of the 15th century. It finally hardens by the 16th-17th centuries. Later hardening of the “c” indicates the absence of a change in the “e” before it into “o”. The soft “ts” has been preserved to this day in some clicking dialects and in the Ukrainian language.
- “H” has hardened in both Ukrainian and Belarusian. And in most Russian dialects it retained its softness, hardening only in the western territory (porutchyk smol. dialect)
There are dialects in which “sh’t’sh’” became shtsh, and “zh’d’zh’” became “zhdzh”. But in most Russian dialects, “sh’t’sh’” turned into “sh’sh’”, and “zh’d’zh’” into “zh’zh’”, after which hardening occurred. in other dialects “sh’t’sh’” became “sht”, and “zh’d’zh’” became “zhd”.
24. History of vowels [and] and [s].
A functional unification of two initially opposed phonemes was realized. That. another strong position on TV. softness.
According to Avanesov:
Stage 1: in the Proto-Slavic language “y” and “i” are independent phonemes, but the vowel “y” was not used at the beginning of the word, and “i” turned out to be possible, because jь > и. That. Y and I are opposed in all positions except the beginning of the word.
Stage 2: after the secondary softening of consonants, but before the fall of the reduced ones - the “epoch of syllabems,” when the vowel series and the softness of the consonant turned out to be interdependent. Y and I cannot be recognized as different phonemes, but TV cannot be recognized as different phonemes either. and a soft consonant, because they cannot be isolated from the quality of the subsequent vowel, but Y and I in morphological terms are not completely equivalent units, because in soft var. skl. (yat) > and, ы > (yat) and I.
To recognize Y and I as varieties of one phoneme, it is necessary: 1 – the possibility of mutual isolation of TV. softness of both Y and I, 2 - the presence of complete morphological equivalence of Y and I in inflections, 3 - the presence of other phonetic alternations between Y and I in the same morpheme.
3rd stage. Realization of the three listed conditions: 1- as a result of the fall of the reduced, the hardness and softness of the consonants are not positionally determined, i.e. Y becomes positionally conditioned, because does not occur at the beginning of a word and comes after TV. consonant. 2 – morphological alignment of TV paradigms. and soft declension, which occurred in different dialects, but in a soft way. variant ы > И. The transitions ы to (yat) and (yat) to And have been eliminated.
R.p units and V.p. plural .. a* declension: ы turned into (yat), began to turn into ы
V.p. pl. o* sk.: ы turned into (yat), began to turn into ы
Location Unit o* skl: (yat) passed into I, became (yat) everywhere
D. local units a*: (yat) passed into I, became (yat) everywhere
3- the appearance of a new alternation Y/I after hard consonants (prepositions of prefixes, independent words: [hut - from the hut]) 25. Changing the combinations [ky], [gy], [hy] into [k’i], [g’i] [x’i].
Before the fall, the reduced existed, but there was no K’ G’ X’, because Palatalization took place in the main part of the dialects, and in the North Krivich dialects, where it did not take place, K’ G’ X’ were present since ancient times. After the fall ed. development of couples on TV. soft and the coincidence of Y and I, i.e. began to undergo the process of changing the combinations K G X into K’ G’ X’.
The process occurred after Y ed.> O (the presence of the forms “dry” “such”, and not “dry”, “such”).
One of the explanations for this transition is as follows: in the original consonantal system, velar consonants were pronounced with rounding, and the phonetic process of changing K G X into K' G' X' is associated with the loss of their deepening. As a result, the place of formation of the subsequent vowel also moved. It is known that in the Old Novgorod dialect the transition from K G X to K’ G’ X’ was delayed compared to the dialects of the southern and western regions. In the south, the process of this transition became relevant no later than the beginning of the 12th century (“great”, “axe”). And in the Old Novgorod dialect such examples date back to the 14th century (“perished”, “kiselo”). The transition from K G X to K' G' X' in the Novgorod dialect should most likely be explained by the influence of neighboring dialects.
26. History of vowels [e] and [o].
Three stages in the history of phonemes E and O:
1st stage: the period before the secondary softening of consonants and the fall of reduced ones, there were two phonemes: E non-labialization. and O labialized.
Stage 2: secondary softening of consonants + falling of reduced ones. After soft E, after soft O.T.o the distribution is positional. O is the main phoneme, since it is possible at the beginning of a word.
3rd stage: change of E to O after a soft consonant before a hard one, therefore E and O are independent phonemes, contrasted on the basis of labialization/non-labialization, while the series is an integral feature.
Shakhmatov considered the cause of the process to be the loss of roundness by hard consonants, i.e. after the fall of the reduced consonants, labialization was transferred to the preceding vowel (in newly closed syllables like -tet)
The emergence of a new strong position in hardness and softness (nose-nose)
As a result of the alignment of paradigms, the appearance of the syllables –t’ot’ and t’o (birch(yat) – there should be no transition, but by analogy with birch). T’o: in words like “gun” “housing”, by analogy with nouns in the hard declension (village). Thus, the formation of positions in which both O and E occurred, i.e. they become separate phonemes.
E changes to O starting from the second half of the 12th century. the reflection of this process is mainly in the position after hissing and Ts, after letters paired in TV/softness - less often.
E goes into O regardless of the stress in the dialects in which there was okanye. In the Akayas, the only change left was in the drums. The process took place most consistently in the dialects of the Great Russian center, where the results of the change in E to O after all consonants, both originally softened and secondarily softened, are currently presented. In peripheral dialects, the result of the transition from E to O is sometimes absent, which may be due to the insufficient degree of development of consonant correlation in TV. soft
Shakhmatov: the process of transition from E to O occurred in two stages:
1st: in the common Slavic era, after the original softened consonants and j.
2nd: in the all-Russian period, after secondarily softened consonants
Selishchev: E passed into O in one stage: after the fall of the reduced ones, since both the original E and E from b passed into O
This process is connected with the hardening of the sizzling ones, since it took place in the position after the sizzling ones, then they were also soft, but also in the position before the sizzling ones => in the era of hardening of the sizzling ones, it was also relevant, but ended before the hardening of the C - in the second half of the 15th century.
before the suffix bsk =>
Strengthening labialization/non-labialization + a new position in which consonants are contrasted in terms of hardness and softness.
27. History of phonemes in dialects of the Russian language.
YAT) is a non-labialized mid-high vowel.
- In the dialects of the center (yat) passed into E, because a neutralization position (yat) and E appeared between two vowel consonants.
The emergence of combinations like TET from T’ET’, as a result of late hardening of the second consonant. P’ hardened so late in combination with TrъT if the second consonant was labial, velar or soft dental (“first”, “Thursday”). Hardened late and N’
before the suffix ьСК => there is no transition from E to O in words like “village” or “female”. E did not pass from (YAT) to O.
The contrast between E and (YAT) before hard consonants has also disappeared, because E in this position turned into O.
Replacement begins at the turn of the 15th-16th centuries. The replacement is reflected in written monuments. T.K. scribes used E instead of (YAT) then E would turn into O. Shakhmatov explained this confusion by the fact that Old Church Slavonic (YAT) was closer to Russian E than to Russian E-closed. => when pronouncing Church Slavonic words, they read E. + In the Novgorod letters, a graphic effect: me (YAT) on E. In the 15-17th centuries, the norm for the correct use (YAT) in a stressed syllable was developed and its replacement with E in unstressed syllables.
Fate (YAT) in dialects of the Novgorod type:
1. The correlation of consonants by hardness and softness is less productive = > E turned into O inconsistently and syllables like TET could exist. That. in peripheral dialects, preservation of the phoneme (YAT) in the form of sounds E-closed could be observed. and IE.
2. In ancient times. dialect (YAT) became And before hard and before soft consonants and at the end of a word. More often there is a mixture of (YAT) and I at the end of a word and before soft consonants. A more significant number (YAT) passing into I before TV. consonants from the mid-14th century. From the 14th century, letters came down, which represented the obligatory replacement of AND with (YAT) in all positions => hypercorrection. So by the 14th century in Novgorod. dialect (YAT) turned into And in all positions. The transition specifically to I is associated with the monophthongization of the diphthong IE. Initially (YAT) turned into And before soft consonants and at the end of the word, because There are still dialects in which in front of TV. The consonants retain the closed e, or E sounds in its place (Vologda dialects).
28. History of the phoneme: its formation in East Slavic dialects and further fate in dialects of the Russian language.
After the fall of the reduced ones, a new vowel phoneme O^, diff., arose in almost all East Slavic dialects. acknowledgment which were the non-front row and the middle-upper rise.
This sound appeared in the place of the original O, which stood under an autonomous stress (peas, log, beaver, table). In all other positions, i.e. in place of the clarified reduced and primordial O, which was under automatic stress, O (raven, thunder, field) was pronounced.
O^ was first heard in one of the S-V Russian dialects by O. Brock, who tried to explain its appearance by the closedness of the syllable. Later, Shakhmatov proved that O^ arose from the original O under acute intonation.
In most of the dialects that later became the basis for the formation of the Ukrainian language, O^ appeared in completely different conditions: in a syllable that became closed as a result of the loss of the weak reduced following syllable: Horse, cat, ox. Subsequently, in most Ukrainian dialects O^ changed to I.
In writing, O^ was transmitted through “omega” or the letter O with a cap was written. (camera).
Now O^ is preserved only in those dialects where there is E closed. The contrast between O^ and O is less clear than the contrast between E and (YAT), i.e. O^ can disappear before the loss of E close, which is proven by the presence of dialects with a six-phoneme composition of vocalism.
(Vologda, Ryazan, Kaluga and other regions)
29. History of Akanya; the time of its appearance in East Slavic dialects; reflection in written monuments; the question of the origin of the Akanya.
Akanye in a broad sense is the non-distinction of non-high vowels. In a narrow sense, it is the non-distinction between A and O after hard consonants.
Arose after the fall of the reduced. There are two arguments that make this statement indisputable:
1. As a result of the emergence of akanya, reduced vowels arose. If the original ed. b and b were still preserved, new editions. should have coincided with them and would have shared their fate in the future.
2. In all types of akanya in the first pre-stressed syllable, there is the same implementation of non-high vowels that were originally in the first pre-stressed syllable and those that became vowels of the first pre-stressed syllable only after the loss of weak reductions.
Reflection of Akanya in written monuments: a direct reflection of Akanya in the narrow sense of the word is considered to be the replacement of the letter O with the letter A. And hypercorrect is the reverse replacement. Isolated cases of reflection of Akanya appear in written monuments only starting from the 14th century. More reliable evidence dates back to the second half of the 14th century (touch, give, vertagrad - Moscow Gospel of 1393)
Akanya origin theory:
Shakhmatov: reduction theory. The starting point of this theory is the thesis about the reduction of Proto-Slavic longitudes in vowels. Shakhmatov admits that akanye did not appear in the pre-Slavic period, but later and most likely its appearance should be attributed to the era after the fall of the reduced. As is known, the sounds I Y U (YAT) and A were long in origin, and E and O were short. Shakhmatov suggests that the length of the vowel A was reduced by the period when Akanye began to develop; on the other hand, the longitude of the vowel O^ is postulated, which arose after the fall of the reduced ones from the short O. The formation of dissimilative akanya and yakan took place according to Shakhmatov’s theory in two stages:
Stage 1: reduction of longitudes in unstressed syllables, with former long vowels becoming short, and former short vowels becoming super-short. That. a non-distinction of vowel phonemes of non-upper rise arose, which in the first pred. syllable coincided in the redue sounds.
Stage 2: the loss of quantitative differences in the stressed syllable occurs, long vowels are shortened, while short vowels remain unchanged, since under stress they cannot turn into super-short vowels - reduced. The reduction of longitudes in the stressed syllable led to a compensatory lengthening of the vowel of the first pre-stressed syllable. But only in those cases when it was reduced, which occurred at the first stage. When lengthened, the sound A appeared. The remaining types of vocalism of the first pre-stressed syllable are considered by Shakhmatov as a violation of the original model.
Disadvantages of the hypothesis: 1- the preservation of Proto-Slavic longitudes in such a late period is doubtful - such as the period after the fall of the ed. 2 – even if we allow the preservation of the Praslav for a long time. longitudes, the early shortening of longitude A is unjustified by anything.3 - no data confirms the lengthening of O^, originating from O.
Russian Russian language//Materials and research on stories Russian language, M., 1960, pp. 279-286 ... “Theory of grammar” (“ General properties language") in paragraph 9 the meaning is revealed differences service adverbs from significant...