The principle of the territorial integrity of the state means. The principle of inviolability of state borders. The principle of the right to self-determination of peoples and nations

RUSSIAN LEGISLATION

Russia has a number of acts relating to issues of interaction with other states in the context of national security and military threats.

These include, in particular, the Federal Constitutional Law “On Martial Law” of 2002; federal laws "On the destruction of chemical weapons" of 1997, "On defense" of 1996, "On the state border of the Russian Federation" of 1993, "On mobilization training and mobilization in the Russian Federation" of 1997, "On military-technical cooperation of the Russian Federation with foreign states" 1998, "On the fight against terrorism" 1998, "On counteracting the legalization (laundering) of proceeds from crime and the financing of terrorism" 2001, "On security" 1992, "On the use of atomic energy" 1595; the National Security Concept of the Russian Federation (Decrees of the President of 1997 and 2000) and others. The 1995 Law “On the procedure for the provision by the Russian Federation of military and civilian personnel armed contingents by Russia is carried out on the basis of a special agreement with the UN Security Council.

For states, there is, perhaps, nothing more important than their territory. The territory is the living space of the population, nations (peoples), the state. The territory is the material basis for the existence of the state, the geographical habitat of its population and the spatial limit of the exercise of its public authority of legal supremacy. This is the number one value in the hierarchy of social values ​​and state interests.

The purpose of the principle is to protect the territory of the state from any encroachment.

However, the very name of the principle under consideration has not yet been established: in international treaties and literature, the name of the principle indicates both both elements - inviolability and integrity, and each of them separately.

Both of these elements are close in meaning, but their legal content is different.

Territorial integrity- this is the protection of the territory of the state from any encroachment from the outside; no one should encroach on the territory of the state for the purpose of its full or partial occupation or occupation, penetrate into its land, underground, sea or air space against the will of the authorities of this state.

Territorial integrity- this is the state of unity and inseparability of the territory of the state; no one should encroach on its territory with the aim of completely or partially disrupting its unity, unlawful dismemberment, separation, rejection, transfer or annexation of all or part to the territory of another state.

Thus, the concept of "territorial integrity" is broader than the concept of "territorial integrity": an unauthorized intrusion by a foreign aircraft into the airspace of a state will be a violation of its territorial integrity, while the territorial integrity of the state will not be violated.

Principle territorial integrity states can be considered as a kind of continuation of the principle non-use of force.

The UN Charter (Article 2, paragraph 4) states that states must refrain from the threat or use of force “against territorial integrity" any state. Territorial integrity is the basis political independence, Therefore, these two concepts often go together.

The principle of territorial integrity of states is one of the "youngest" principles of international law. It was first included as an imperative norm in Article 4 of the Declaration of Principles, an integral part of the 1975 CSCE Final Act. In the theory of international law, it is customary to link the emergence of the principle of territorial integrity of states with the national liberation movement of colonial peoples in the 1960s. At the same time, the political and legal prerequisites for the inclusion of this norm in the system of principles of international law began to take shape already from the beginning of the 20th century. It was then that the doctrine of international law began to reject the legitimacy of seizing the territory of a foreign state as a spoils of war. During this period, the territory of the state began to be regarded as an integral part of state sovereignty, and because of this, each state recognized the right to the inviolability of its territorial possessions.

In the UN Charter, the principle under consideration is enshrined only as an integral part of the principle of the non-use of force and the threat of force. According to paragraph 4 of article 2, all states are obliged to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state. The 1970 Declaration of Principles states that every state must refrain from any action aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity or territorial integrity of any other state. Thus, the Declaration, in contrast to the Charter, prohibited only violent, but generally any acts directed against the territorial integrity of states. The very phrase “territorial integrity” was first used in the Bandung Declaration on Promoting World Peace and Cooperation of 1955, which was the response of the colonial countries and peoples to the attempts of the metropolitan countries to impede the process of national liberation.

The most complete normative content of this principle is enshrined in the Final Act of the CSCE. According to Article 4 of its Declaration of Principles, all participating States are required to respect the territorial integrity, political independence and unity of the other parties.

It is easy to see that the territorial integrity of the state includes three constituent elements:

1) the integrity of the territory;

2) political independence;

3) national unity.

The integrity of the territory as an object of the principle under consideration is the inviolability of the land, water and air territory of the state and its subsoil. Violation of the principle of territorial integrity may be invasion, annexation, occupation of foreign territory, illegal transit, illegal mining of minerals of a foreign state, support of various kinds of separatist movements on its territory, as well as any actions aimed at dismembering a foreign state or tearing away part of its possessions. Some representatives of the international legal doctrine believe that this principle also applies to the territory occupied by the diplomatic missions of the state, its air and sea vessels, military bases and space objects.

Under the political independence of the state is understood its right to independently form its own political system, elect state bodies, as well as the ability to freely implement its own domestic and foreign policy. Encroachment on political independence can be carried out both in the form of the use of force or the threat of force, and in the form of bribery, financing of individual political parties and figures, as well as any actions that may result in actual control of the political system of a foreign state. At the same time, one should distinguish between the artificial creation of puppet regimes and legitimate means of diplomacy aimed at expanding one's political influence.

The national unity of a sovereign state presupposes a historical community of the population living on its territory, a single legal status of all ethnic and social groups, including national minorities. Actions directed against the national unity of the country can be incitement to secession from the federation of individual entities, financing of separatist movements, calls for a violent change in the form of government or inciting ethnic hatred on the territory of a foreign state, etc. It is easy to see that the violation of the principle of territorial integrity is almost always associated with interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign state.

Encroachment on the territorial integrity of the state within the framework of sanctions by the decision of the UN Security Council cannot be considered a violation of the principle under consideration. Measures taken by the world community against the violating state may include the occupation of its territory, the establishment of international control over it, the overthrow of the ruling regime, and other actions.

An important feature of the principle of the territorial integrity of states is that it received its recognition in the form of an imperative norm due to its wide distribution in local interstate agreements, both regional and bilateral. In particular, the principle of territorial integrity is mentioned in the Charter of Paris for a New Europe of 1990, the Alma-Ata Declaration of 1991, the Treaty of Eternal Friendship between the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic and the Republic of Uzbekistan in 1997, the Charter on Democratic Partnership between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the United States of America 1994 and other documents. For example, in the Joint Declaration of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the People's Republic of China dated July 5, 1996, the Kazakh side confirms that it recognizes the PRC government as the sole legitimate government of China, that Taiwan is an integral part of Chinese territory, that Kazakhstan will not establish official relations with Taiwan and will not will maintain official contacts with him in whatever form.

The principles of international law are universal in nature and are the criteria for the legitimacy of all other international norms. Actions or international legal acts that violate the provisions of the basic principles of international law are recognized as invalid and entail international legal responsibility.

All principles of international law are of paramount importance and must be strictly applied when interpreting each of them taking into account the others.

The principles of international law are interrelated: violation of one provision entails non-observance of others. Thus, for example, a violation of the principle of the territorial integrity of a state is at the same time a violation of the principles of the sovereign equality of states, non-interference in internal affairs, non-use of force and threat of force, etc.

Nothing shall be construed as prejudicial in any way to the provisions of the UN Charter, or to the rights and obligations of Member States under the Charter, or to the rights of peoples under the Charter, subject to the presentation of those rights in international instruments.

Since the principles of international law are international legal norms, they exist in the form of certain ones.

Initially, the principles of international law acted in the form of international legal customs, however, with the adoption of the UN Charter, the basic principles of international law acquire a legal form. Thus, the seven principles of international law (sovereign equality of states, conscientious fulfillment of international obligations assumed, peaceful settlement of international disputes, renunciation of the threat or use of force, etc.) are contained in the UN Charter. At the same time, Art. 103 of the Charter provides that in the event that the obligations of UN members under the UN Charter are in conflict with the obligations under any international treaty, the obligations under the Charter shall prevail.

The content of the basic principles of international law was disclosed in detail in the Declaration on the Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the UN Charter, 1970, in other UN documents (resolution of the UN General Assembly "Declaration on the Prevention and Elimination of Disputes and Situations that may threaten international peace and security, and on the role of the United Nations in this area" 1988, resolution of the UN General Assembly "Development and strengthening of good-neighbourly relations between states" 1991). With regard to European conditions, the content of the basic principles of international law was specified by the acts of the CSCE, in particular the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) of 1975, the Final Document of the Vienna Meeting of 1989, etc. Recently, in the formation of additional obligations in This area is played by the European Union.

Let us consider the content of the basic principles of international law in more detail.

The principle of the sovereign equality of states

The principle of the sovereign equality of states and respect for the rights inherent in sovereignty. According to this principle, all states in international relations enjoy sovereign equality, have equal rights and obligations, and are equal members of the world community. The concept of equality means that:

• all states are legally equal;
• all states must respect the legal personality of other states;
• all states enjoy the rights inherent in full sovereignty. They have the right to independently resolve issues of participation in international conferences and organizations, international treaties, etc.;
• the territorial integrity and political independence of states are inviolable, state borders can be changed only on the basis of an agreement and in accordance with international law;
• states freely choose their political, economic, social and cultural systems;
• States are obliged to fulfill their international obligations in good faith.

States must respect each other's sovereign equality and identity, and all the rights inherent in and covered by their sovereignty, including in particular the right of each state to legal equality, territorial integrity, liberty and political independence. They must also respect each other's right to freely choose and develop their political, social, economic and cultural systems, as well as the right to establish their own laws and regulations.

Under international law, all member states have equal rights and obligations. They must respect each other's right to determine and exercise at their own discretion their relations with other states, international and regional organizations, and also have the right to neutrality. Member States thus build their relations on the basis of mutual benefit and respect.

Principle of non-use of force or threat of force

In accordance with the principle of non-use of force or threat of force, all states in international relations are obliged to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of other states or in any other way inconsistent with the purposes of the UN. No considerations may be used to justify recourse to the threat or use of force in violation of this principle. No use of force or threat of force will be used as a means of settling disputes or matters that may cause disputes between them. Nevertheless, in the event of any aggression or violation of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of a Member State, the country subjected to aggression retains its right to individual and collective self-defence in accordance with the UN Charter and international law.

States, on the basis of universally recognized principles and norms of international law, must fulfill in good faith their international obligations regarding the maintenance of peace and security.

The threat of force should not be used as a means of settling disputes between states. Aggressive wars are declared crimes against peace and humanity and entail responsibility under international law. War propaganda is also prohibited.

States reaffirm their obligation to uphold and protect the principles of the UN Charter and international law, as well as the means contained in the UN Charter, in the field of peaceful settlement of disputes. The parties to the dispute should immediately establish contacts and enter into negotiations to prevent the outbreak of conflict and resolve the dispute in accordance with the principles contained in the Declaration, as well as in the UN Charter and international law.

States must make every effort to build their international relations on the basis of mutual understanding, trust, respect and cooperation in all fields.

States should also develop bilateral and regional cooperation as one of the important means of strengthening the effectiveness of the principle of renunciation of the threat or use of force in international relations.

States must be guided by their commitment to the principle of peaceful settlement of disputes, which is inextricably linked to the principle of renunciation of the threat or use of force in international relations.

States that are parties to international disputes must resolve their disputes exclusively by peaceful means in a manner that does not endanger international peace, security and justice. To this end, they use such means as negotiation, investigation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial proceedings, recourse to regional bodies or agreements, or other peaceful means of their choice, including good offices.

States must take effective measures to prevent the threat of any armed conflicts, including conflicts in which nuclear weapons could be used, prevent an arms race in outer space and stop and reverse the arms race on Earth, reduce the level of military confrontation and strengthen global stability .

States must cooperate fully with the organs of the United Nations, assisting their activities in the maintenance of international peace and security and the peaceful settlement of international disputes in accordance with the UN Charter.

In particular, they must enhance the role of the Security Council so that it can carry out its duties fully and effectively. The permanent members of the Council have a special responsibility in this regard, in accordance with the Charter. States must render all possible assistance to the Security Council in all actions taken by it for the just settlement of crisis situations and regional conflicts. They should enhance the role that the Council can play in preventing disputes and situations the continuation of which could endanger the maintenance of international peace and security. They should make it easier for the Council to deal with situations potentially dangerous to international peace and security at the earliest possible stage.

States must fully ensure the fulfillment of the important role assigned by the UN Charter to the General Assembly in the field of the peaceful settlement of disputes and the maintenance of international peace and security.

States should take into account, as an important factor in the strengthening and maintenance of international peace and security, that disputes of a legal nature should, as a general rule, be referred by the parties to the International Court of Justice in accordance with the provisions of the Statute of the Court. The General Assembly and the Security Council should consider the appropriateness of using the provisions of the UN Charter regarding the ability to seek advisory opinions from the International Court of Justice on any legal question.

States parties to regional agreements or bodies should consider making wider use of such agreements and bodies to resolve issues related to the maintenance of international peace and security, in accordance with Art. 52 of the UN Charter.

The principle of respect for human rights

States should pay great attention to the principle of the indivisibility of all human rights and, in this regard, emphasize the importance of implementing all aspects of this principle.

The principle of the right to self-determination of peoples and nations

By virtue of the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, all peoples have the right to freely determine, without outside interference, their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development, and each state is obliged to respect this right in accordance with the provisions of the Charter.

Each State has an obligation to promote, through joint and individual action, the implementation of the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples in accordance with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and to assist the United Nations in fulfilling the responsibilities entrusted to it by the Charter in relation to the implementation of this principle in order to:

a) promote friendly relations and cooperation between states and

b) immediately put an end to colonialism, with due respect for the freely expressed will of the peoples concerned, and also bearing in mind that the subjection of peoples to foreign yoke, domination and exploitation is a violation of this principle, as well as a denial of fundamental human rights, and contrary to the UN Charter.

The creation of a sovereign and independent state, the free accession to or association with an independent state, or the establishment of any other political status freely determined by a people, are forms of the exercise by that people of the right to self-determination.

Every state is obliged to refrain from any violent action depriving peoples of their right to self-determination, freedom and independence. In their measures against and resistance to such acts of violence, peoples, in exercising their right to self-determination, have the right to seek and receive support in accordance with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.

The territory of a colony or other non-self-governing territory has, under the Charter of the United Nations, a status separate and distinct from that of the territory of the state administering it. Such separate and distinct status under the Charter shall exist until the people of the colony or non-self-governing territory in question have exercised their right to self-determination in accordance with the Charter, and in particular in accordance with its purposes and principles.

Nothing in the relevant paragraphs of the 1970 Declaration on Principles of International Law shall be construed as authorizing or encouraging any action that would lead to the dismemberment or partial or complete violation of the territorial integrity or political unity of sovereign and independent states that observe in their actions the principle of equality and self-determination of peoples, as this principle is stated above, and therefore having governments representing without distinction of race, creed or color of skin, all the people living in a given territory.

Each state must refrain from any action aimed at the partial or complete violation of the national unity and territorial integrity of any other state or country.

Peoples exercising self-determination have the right to seek and receive assistance in accordance with the purposes of the United Nations. In doing so, however, states should not encourage actions leading to dismemberment or to the violation of the territorial integrity or political unity of those states that have governments representing the whole people without distinction of race, creed or color of skin.

The principle of cooperation between states

States have an obligation, regardless of differences in their political, economic and social systems, to cooperate with each other in various fields of international relations with a view to maintaining international peace and security and promoting international economic stability and progress, the general welfare of peoples and international cooperation free from discrimination, based on such differences.

To this end, states:

• cooperate with other states in the maintenance of international peace and security;
• cooperate in establishing universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all and in the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination and all forms of religious intolerance;
• carry out their international relations in the economic, social, cultural, technical and commercial fields in accordance with the principles of sovereign equality and non-intervention;
principles of international law concerning friendly relations and cooperation among states in accordance with the UN Charter, states must fulfill all their international obligations in good faith.

In the event that the obligations of UN members under the Charter are in conflict with their obligations under any other international agreement, their obligations under the Charter shall prevail in accordance with Art. 103 of the Charter.

In the modern political existence of the world, the problems of the correlation between the principle of the territorial integrity of the state and the right of nations to self-determination occupy, perhaps, one of the most prominent places. This is due to both the stable independent functioning of the state and the desire of certain social groups for a separate existence.

A certain aggravation of this problem occurred in the last decade of the twentieth century. First of all, this was due to the collapse of the USSR and the socialist system, when the weakening of the central government in the states of Eastern Europe and the USSR not only caused a completely predictable reaction from the opposition nationwide forces trying to implement democratic reforms, but also led to a chain reaction associated with the implementation of separatist manifestations. separate territorial organizations. The realities of this period were expressed by the formation of new states in the space of the former USSR (partially recognized - Abkhazia and South Ossetia and unrecognized - the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic and Nagorno-Karabakh) and the former Yugoslavia (partially recognized Kosovo). It should be noted that the period of the end of the twentieth century. was not the only time when there was an increase in manifestations of territorial separatism. Thus, the previous aggravation of this problem was caused by the processes of decolonization in Africa and Asia in the 50-60s. 20th century

The central issue in analyzing the problem of correlation between the principle of the territorial integrity of the state and the right of nations to self-determination is the correlation of the sovereignties of the unrecognized self-governing parts of the state (unrecognized states) and the states on whose actual territory they are located. It should be noted that in modern political reality, manifestations of secession requirements are quite common, while the justification of unilateral actions directed against the central government of the "metropolis", as A. Buchanan quite accurately notes, "is based on the idea of ​​why the state exists in general under what conditions it has the right to control the territory and people.

It hardly makes sense to unequivocally answer the question of the legitimacy or illegality of secession without taking into account specific historical, political, legal and other circumstances. Moreover, such circumstances are interpreted by the parties of secession relations, as a rule, in their favor. So, V.A. Makarenko, pointing out as arguments the right to secession of the consequences of past annexations; self-defense against the aggressor; discrimination in distribution, believes that every argument for secession must justify the rights of separate groups to a given territory. Naturally, the central government of the state opposes secession. In his opinion, the arguments against secession boil down to the following: overcoming anarchy and excluding political bargaining that undermines the majority principle.

It seems possible to distinguish three variants of such manifestations. First, the situation with the negotiated resolution of the conflict between the region striving for secession and the central government is a “completed secession”. The result is a new state. Here, the secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia, as well as the secession of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia from the USSR in 1991, can serve as examples. Secondly, "the stable functioning of the unrecognized state." This is expressed, on the one hand, in the inability of the central government to restore supremacy throughout its territory, and on the other hand, in the non-recognition or partial recognition as a subject of international law of a region striving for secession, which effectively controls its territory and population. Here you can point to the PMR, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Kosovo. And finally, thirdly, regions striving for secession may, for one reason or another, be unable to receive international recognition. As a result, we have the restoration of the supremacy of the central government in various ways - "the suppression of the desire for sovereignty." An example is the conflicts associated with the desire for independence of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, Gagauzia, and in the more distant past - Katanga and Biafra.

The mildest variant of the attitude of the state to the separation of its constituent part presupposes the presence of a legislatively fixed mechanism of secession. The most predictable outcome here is "completed secession". There are two equally likely outcomes of the secession process.

Firstly, this is the implementation of secession - the withdrawal of the region from the state. One example here is the withdrawal of Montenegro from the unified state of Serbia and Montenegro in 2006. Such a right was assigned to Montenegro and Serbia, Art. 60 of the Constitutional Charter of Serbia and Montenegro. At the same time, a member state that exercises the right of secession does not inherit the international legal personality of a single state, which continues to be represented by the part remaining in the union state.

You can also give an example of Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, which carried out the secession from the USSR in 1991 on the basis of Art. 72 of the Constitution of the USSR on the right to secession of the union republic from the USSR. In fact, the Baltic republics implemented the procedure provided for in Art. 20 of the Law of the USSR "On the procedure for resolving issues related to the withdrawal of a union republic from the USSR." The sovereignty of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia was finally confirmed by three decisions of the State Council of the USSR of September 6, 1991.

Secondly, a variant of terminating secession is possible - the state exercising its right to territorial integrity. As an example of a failed attempt to implement the secession process, one can cite two referendums in the Canadian province of Quebec, in the framework of which the question of declaring its independence was raised.

The first referendum on secession from Canada was held in Quebec in 1980. Then 60% of the population of the province spoke out against secession. A second referendum was held in 1995. 49.4% of the votes were cast for the independence of Quebec, only 50.6% of Quebecers voted against secession from Canada.

In 1998, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that Quebec could not secede unless it received a strong majority in a referendum on a clearly defined issue. According to Yu.V. Under the optimal federal principle, many realistic Canadian political scientists understand a way of separating powers in such a way that the central and regional governments in a certain area are independent, but act in a coordinated manner.

In addition, the Parliament of Quebec passed the Quebec Law on the Procedure for the Exercise of the Fundamental Rights and Prerogatives of the People of Quebec and the State of Quebec on the basis of a ruling by the Supreme Court of Canada. Article 2 establishes that the people of Quebec have the inalienable right to freely choose the political regime and legal status of Quebec. Article 4 of this Act provides that the result of a referendum for the secession of Quebec from Canada is recognized if 50% of the votes plus one vote are cast in favor of secession.

It is also fundamentally important to take into account whether the desire for secession is a true expression of the interests of the majority of the people of the subject or is it the desire of the ruling nomenklatura, ethnocracy to establish its undivided power, self-serving separatism. In practice, secession sometimes responded to the views of all three sides, as was the case in Malaysia: the federation, the subject leaving it (Singapore) and the remaining subjects.

Sometimes provisions on secession are found in the constitutions of unitary states that have autonomy. The exit of the autonomous Karakalpakstan, which is a form of self-determination of the Kara-Kalpak people, subject to a number of requirements, allows Art. 74 of the Constitution of Uzbekistan of 1992, but this is possible only with the approval of the national parliament.

The option of "stable functioning of an unrecognized state" should be considered, first of all, in conjunction with the features of the state. Here, the key features are such features as territoriality, sovereignty, and population. Active manifestations of secession demands have a significant impact on the redistribution of the content of these features between the central government and the regions striving for self-determination. Thus, a region is excluded from the structure of the state territory, which is not actually subject to the jurisdiction of the central government. Conversely, a region striving for independence acquires a sign of territoriality. Otherwise, the statement about the desire for state isolation from the main state will not make sense.

Sovereignty, like territory, has an indivisible legal nature. In this sense, a region striving for self-determination is often more in line with the concept of "state" than "metropolis", since the sovereignty of the latter excludes supremacy in the territory of a region striving for independence. The population of such a region, as it seems, also has a political and legal connection with the region to a greater extent than with the central authority of the “metropolis”. Thus, the PMR exercises the supremacy of power on its territory, and also provides a political and legal connection with the population living on its territory through citizenship relations. On the contrary, the Republic of Moldova does not have the opportunity to actually exercise the rule of power on the territory of Transnistria, which is formally part of Moldova, and also does not have a political and legal connection through citizenship relations with the vast majority of the population of the unrecognized state entity. This seems to have been clearly shown by the referendum held on September 17, 2006, in which the population of the PMR voted for independence, and not for functioning as part of Moldova. A similar situation can be observed in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which, as of January 1, 2011, were recognized by four states (Russia, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Nauru).

Thus, the situation with unrecognized states implies a forced restriction of the sovereignty of the metropolitan state. According to Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, “the reaction to the events of August 8 and to Russia's recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia once again showed that we live in a world of double standards. We acted responsibly - in the interests of restoring international law and justice. Realizing that any hesitation or attempt to postpone these steps would be fraught with an even more serious humanitarian catastrophe. Against this background, the position of our partners looks frankly biased, who until recently made every effort to bypass the norms of international law to achieve separation of Kosovo from Serbia and recognition of this self-proclaimed region as a subject of international law, and now criticizing Russia as if nothing had happened.

The third option - "suppression of the desire for sovereignty" - depends to a sufficient extent on the ratio of the legal basis and the power capabilities of the central government and the self-determining region in favor of the central government. It is here that we should talk about the restoration of the state's right to territorial integrity in the framework of the implementation of the indivisibility of state sovereignty.

P.A. Ol’ speaks about the indivisibility of sovereignty: “Belonging of sovereignty as the highest political power to the dominant subject implies the structural construction of the political system of society, where the place of other subjects in relation to the sovereign is clearly defined, which proceeds from the principle of indivisibility of sovereignty.”

First of all, this is a situation of violation of state sovereignty by illegal actions of a self-determining region. In this case, the restoration of the territorial integrity of the state is carried out either by legal means or by force. The force option involves either the use of the military resources of the state, or the intervention of the armed forces of third states or interstate organizations.

A vivid example of the use of the UN armed forces in suppressing the aspirations of a separatist-minded region for sovereignty are the events around the proclamation in 1960 of the independence of the Republic of Katanga and its secession from the Republic of the Congo.

The Government of the Congo turned to the UN for support, and such support was implemented in UN Security Council resolutions. Thus, paragraph 2 of Resolution 143 of the UN Security Council of July 14, 1960 authorized the UN Secretary General “to take, in consultation with the government of the Republic of the Congo, the necessary measures to provide this government with the military assistance it needs, and to provide it as long as the national forces security, thanks to the efforts of the Congolese government and with the technical assistance of the UN, will not be able, in the opinion of this government, to fully fulfill their tasks. Further, the UN Security Council Resolution 145 of July 22, 1960 “invites all states to refrain from any action that could interfere with the restoration of law and order and the exercise of its powers by the Government of the Congo, and also refrain from any action that could undermine the territorial integrity and political independence of the Republic of the Congo. On August 9, 1960, in Resolution 146, the UN Security Council stated that "the entry of the UN armed forces into the province of Katanga is necessary for the full implementation of this resolution", and confirmed that the UN armed forces located in the Congo will not participate in any internal - early conflict of a constitutional or other nature, will not interfere in any way in such a conflict and will not be used to influence its outcome.

At the same time, the confrontation between the central government of the Congo and the separatist Katanga continued, the leaders of the Republic of the Congo, led by P. Lumumba, were killed. In this situation, the UN Security Council, in Resolution 161 of February 21, 1961, insisted “that the UN immediately take all appropriate measures to prevent the outbreak of civil war in the Congo, including ceasefire measures, to suspend all military operations and to prevent clashes, resorting, if necessary, to the use of force as a last resort.” In addition, in this Resolution, the UN Security Council calls for the restoration of parliamentary institutions "so that the will of the people finds its expression through a freely elected parliament." And further: "the imposition of any solution, including the formation of any government, not based on genuine reconciliation, not only will not resolve any issues, but also greatly increases the danger of conflicts within the Congo and the threat to international peace and security."

The adoption of Resolution 161 opens the second stage in the UN's actions. On April 15, 1961, the UN General Assembly, being seriously concerned about the threat of civil war, confirms the organization's policy towards the Congo.

On August 25, 1961, S. Linner, one of the senior officers in charge of UN operations in the Congo, publicly stated that "the UN will support any policy that seeks to return Katanga to the Congo."

Resolution 169 of the UN Security Council of November 24, 1961 expressly provides for the use of force "against mercenaries" and completely rejects the assertion that Katanga is a "sovereign independent state." In addition, the Resolution strongly condemns the separatist activities illegally carried out by the Katanga provincial administration with the help of external resources and the hands of foreign mercenaries, and declares that "any separatist activity directed against the Republic of the Congo is contrary to the Basic Law and the decisions of the Security Council."

It should be noted that the decisive intervention of the UN in the Congo is an exceptional case in the practice of the UN, especially in the conditions of the bipolarity of the international political space. According to Zorgbibe, in the case of the Congo, the UN forces ensured not only the isolation of the internal conflict in order to prevent the escalation of the Cold War, but also, rather, the prevention of the secession of Katanga. As a result, in January 1963, the province was returned to the country with the participation of UN peacekeeping forces.

The direct suppression of separatist manifestations by the armed forces of the central government took place in relation to the Republic of Biafra, which declared independence from Nigeria on May 30, 1967.

Nigerian President Gowon on June 6, 1967 ordered the suppression of the rebellion and announced mobilization in the northern and western Muslim states. In Biafra, covert mobilization began even before the declaration of independence. After a short military offensive by the Biafran army, government troops gradually begin to take control of the coast, cutting off Biafra from direct access to the sea. In addition, Biafra's transport and other infrastructure communications were blocked. However, the independence of Biaf-ra was recognized by Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Côte d'Ivoire. However, the rest of the states refrained from recognizing Biafra, and Great Britain and the USSR provided extensive diplomatic and military-technical assistance to the federal government of Nigeria.

In October 1969, Biafran leader Ojukwu urged the UN to broker a ceasefire as a prelude to peace talks. But the federal government refuses to negotiate and insists on the surrender of Biafra. On January 12, 1970, the Officer Administering the Government of Biafra, F. Effiong, presented a recognition of surrender to the federal government, which significantly reduced the possible size of a humanitarian catastrophe.

Another option is to restore the sovereignty of the central government by force after the separatist region violates the terms of the secession agreement. An example here is the restoration of the sovereignty of the Russian Federation in relation to the territory of the current Chechen Republic.

Thus, as a result of the armed confrontation between the separatist region and the federal center in 1991-1996. there was a situation of de facto equal negotiations between the federal center and the authorities of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, which ended with the conclusion on May 12, 1997 of the Treaty on Peace and the Principles of Relations between the Russian Federation and the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, in which the phrase “High contracting parties ... striving to establish strong, equal, mutually beneficial relations".

As part of the previously agreed Principles for determining the foundations of relations between the Russian Federation and the Chechen Republic, it was stipulated that "The agreement on the foundations of relations between the Russian Federation and the Chechen Republic, determined in accordance with the generally recognized principles and norms of international law, must be reached before December 31, 2001." In addition, the document contains requirements for the legislation of the Chechen Republic, which “is based on the observance of human and civil rights, the right of peoples to self-determination, the principles of equality of peoples, ensuring civil peace, interethnic harmony and security of citizens living in the territory of the Chechen Republic, regardless of the national affiliation, religion and other differences.

Thus, the so-called "deferred status" of the Chechen Republic was formed, the implementation of which was to be carried out within a five-year period.

However, in August 1999, under the slogans of spreading true Islam and jihad against the infidels, Chechen armed groups led by Sh. Basayev invaded the territory of Dagestan in order to create a caliphate in the Chechen and Dagestan territories inhabited by Muslims.

There was a direct threat to the territorial integrity and security of the Russian Federation. The federal center and the republican authorities of Dagestan immediately took appropriate measures to curb the aggression. The Dagestan police, militias and federal armed forces, at the cost of considerable efforts and losses, managed to drive Basayev's detachments out of Dagestan. The fact that this adventure was aimed at provoking a new armed conflict with the federal government was later cynically admitted by Sh. Basayev: “Chechnya was threatened by a civil war, and we avoided it by starting a war with Russia.”

The threat to Russia's security and the overall situation in the North Caucasus required urgent and decisive measures from the authorities to ensure security and law and order in the region. At parliamentary hearings in the fall of 2000, the chairman of the Duma Commission on the Chechen Republic, A. Tkachev, emphasized: “During Maskhadov’s rule, the government demonstrated a complete inability to perform its functions on the territory entrusted to it, which resulted in massive violations of human rights and freedoms. The invasion of armed formations from the territory of Chechnya into Dagestan in August 1999 finally disavowed the formal legal status of Maskhadov's authorities, based on the spirit of the Khasavyurt agreements and the letter of the peace treaty. Since that moment, the formation of state authorities in Chechnya has become not only a constitutional, but also an international legal obligation of the Russian Federation.

In the autumn of 1999, the Russian government, headed by Vladimir Putin, made a decision: to introduce federal armed forces into Chechnya in order to ensure the national security of the Russian Federation.

On August 12, 1999, the Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Russia, I.N. Zubov, announced that a letter had been sent to the President of Chechnya, A.Maskhadov, with a proposal to conduct a joint operation with the federal troops against the Islamists in Dagestan. According to him, the letter outlined the position of the Russian leadership and indicated the requirement for the Chechen leadership to clarify the situation regarding what is happening in Dagestan and in the areas bordering Chechnya. “We offered him to resolve the issue of liquidating the bases, places of storage and recreation of illegal armed groups, from which the Chechen leadership in every possible way denies. We have proposed joint operations. In case of any further actions, we reserve the right to act in accordance with international law,” I.N. Zubov said. However, instead of carrying out such an operation, on October 5, 1999, A. Maskhadov signed the Decree "On the introduction of martial law on the territory of the CRI."

On September 13, 1999, the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin, in a televised address to the citizens of the country, stated the need to consolidate the branches of government and society in order to repel terrorism. “Terrorism has declared war on us, the people of Russia,” the head of state said. “We live in conditions of a threatening spread of terrorism. This means that it is necessary to unite all the forces of society and the state in order to repulse the internal enemy,” the president continued. “This enemy has no conscience, no pity, no honor. There is no face, nationality and faith. I especially emphasize nationality and faith.”

On September 23, the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation "On measures to increase the effectiveness of counter-terrorist operations in the North Caucasus region of the Russian Federation" was signed, providing for the creation of a Joint Group of Troops (Forces) in the North Caucasus to conduct a counter-terrorist operation.

Determining the fate of the Khasavyurt agreements, V.V. Putin stated that “the so-called Khasavyurt pact was signed in the context of the genocide of the Russian people in Chechnya”, and “from a legal point of view, this is not an agreement at all, since it was signed outside the legal the legal field of Russia”, and nothing more than the moral obligations of the two parties.” Noting the absence of a legal basis for the Khasavyurt agreements, Vladimir Putin says that in Chechnya, which "Russia did not recognize de jure as an independent state, all the authorities of the Russian Federation were actually dismantled."

Thus, as a result of the active actions of the federal forces, the political and legal status of the Chechen Republic as a full-fledged subject of the Russian Federation was restored, and the constitutional order in the region was restored.

Later, the position on the impossibility of secession of the republics from the Russian Federation was confirmed by the Resolution of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation of June 7, 2000 No. 10-P, which states that the Constitution of the Russian Federation does not allow any other bearer of sovereignty and source of power, in addition to the multinational people of Russia, and, consequently, excludes the existence of two levels of sovereign authorities, located in a single system of state power, which would have supremacy and independence, i.e., it does not allow the sovereignty of either the republics or other subjects of the Russian Federation.

The legal interaction between the authorities of the Republic of Moldova and representatives of the Gagauz Republic in 1991–1994 is an option for implementing the process of restoring the violated sovereignty of the central government within the legal framework. This confrontation ended in 1994 with the adoption of the Law of the Republic of Moldova "On the special legal status of Gagauzia (Gagauz Yeri)". In accordance with Part 1 of Art. 1 of this Law "Gagauzia (Gagauz Yeri) is a territorial autonomous entity with a special status as a form of self-determination of the Gagauz, which is an integral part of the Republic of Moldova." Part 2 Art. 1 establishes that "Gagauzia, within its competence, independently resolves issues of political, economic and cultural development in the interests of the entire population."

At the same time, Part 4 of Art. 1 establishes the correlation of the legal status of Gagauzia with the legal status of the Republic of Moldova. Thus, “in the event of a change in the status of the Republic of Moldova as an independent state, the people of Gagauzia have the right to external self-determination.” In addition, in accordance with Article 25 of the said Law, “The Republic of Moldova is the guarantor of the full and unconditional implementation of the powers of Gagauzia, defined by this law.

Thus, based on the foregoing, it seems necessary to draw the following conclusions:
1. The central issue in the analysis of the problem of the relationship between the principle of the territorial integrity of the state and the right of nations to self-determination is the relationship between the sovereignties of the unrecognized self-governing parts of the state (unrecognized states) and the states on whose actual territory they are located.

2. During the exercise of secession, either the right of a self-determining territory may be restored, if it was initially lost as a result of violent actions of the central government, or the right of the state to territorial integrity, if the legislation of the state does not contain the right to secession of any territorial entity.

3. In case of violation of state sovereignty by illegal actions of a self-determining region, the restoration of the territorial integrity of the state is carried out either by legal means or by force. The force option involves either the use of the military resources of the state, or the intervention of the armed forces of third states or interstate organizations.

This principle was established with the adoption of the UN Charter in 1945, but the process of its development continues. The very name of the principle has not been finally established: one can meet the mention of both territorial integrity and territorial inviolability. Both of these concepts are close in meaning, but their legal content is different. concept territorial integrity broader concept territorial integrity: unauthorized intrusion of a foreign aircraft into the airspace of a state would be a violation of its territorial integrity, while the territorial integrity of the state would not be violated.

The purpose of this principle in the modern world is great from the point of view of stability in interstate relations - it is the protection of the territory of the state from any encroachment. In accordance with Part 3 of Art. 4 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation "The Russian Federation ensures the integrity and inviolability of its territory."

In the Declaration on the Principles of International Law of 1970, when disclosing the content of the wording of paragraph 4 of Art. 2 of the UN Charter reflected many elements of the principle of territorial integrity (inviolability) and established that each state "must refrain from any action aimed at the partial or complete violation of the national unity and territorial integrity of any other state or country."

The content of this principle in the Final Act of the CSCE goes beyond the provisions on the prohibition of the use of force or the threat of force, or the transformation of territory into an object of military occupation, or the acquisition of territory using force or its threat. According to the Final Act, states, committing to respect each other's territorial integrity, must "refrain from any action inconsistent with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter." This may include any action against the territorial integrity or inviolability - the transit of any vehicles through foreign territory without the permission of the territorial sovereign is a violation of not only the inviolability of borders, but also the inviolability of the state territory, since it is it that is used for transit. All natural resources are integral components of the territory of the state, and if the territory as a whole is inviolable, then its components, i.e., natural resources in their natural form, are also inviolable. Therefore, their development by foreign persons or states without the permission of the territorial sovereign is also a violation of territorial integrity.

In peaceful communication between neighboring states, the problem often arises of protecting the state territory from the danger of damage to it by any influence from abroad, i.e., the danger of deterioration of the natural state of this territory or its individual components. The use by a state of its territory must not damage the natural conditions of the territory of another state.