G., where already at that time the strengthening of the position of the two powers - the USSR and the USA, was clearly manifested, to which the decisive role in determining the parameters of the post-war world was increasingly taking over. That is, even during the war, the prerequisites for the formation of the foundations of the future bipolar world are emerging. This trend was fully manifested already at the Yalta and Potsdam conferences, when the main role in solving key problems related to the formation of a new model of international relations was played by the two, now already superpowers, the USSR and the USA.
The Potsdam era set a historical precedent, because never before had the whole world been artificially divided into spheres of influence between two states. The bipolar alignment of forces quickly led to the beginning of the confrontation between the capitalist and socialist camps, referred to in history as the Cold War.
The Potsdam era is characterized by an extreme ideologization of international relations, as well as the constant threat of a direct military confrontation between the USSR and the USA.
The end of the Potsdam era was marked by the collapse of the world socialist camp, following a failed attempt to reform the economy of the Soviet Union, and was sealed by the 1991 Belovezhskaya Accord.
Yalta. In early 1945, when the victory over Germany was no longer in doubt, the Allies decided to meet in order to finally determine the main features of the post-war world order in the light of the new political and military situation. These issues became the subject of negotiations at the Yalta Conference (February 4-11, 1945). During the week, a number of fundamental issues were resolved:
the conference decided to establish the United Nations to maintain peace and ensure the security of peoples;
a decision was made on the eastern border of Poland, so important for the Soviet Union;
agreed on the principles and forms of implementation of the unconditional surrender of Germany and the occupation of its territories; it was decided to destroy the Wehrmacht, liquidate or take control of the German military industry; try all war criminals; disband fascist organizations and their institutions;
It was decided to recover from Germany war losses in the amount of 20 billion dollars.
At this conference, Stalin achieved the desired results for the Soviet Union. The principle of the military occupation of Germany did not cause controversy, but at the same time the USSR rejected the proposal of the USA and England to divide Germany into three to seven states. It was decided to consider Germany as a single state. In exchange for the opening of hostilities against Japan three months after the surrender of Germany, the USSR joined the Kuril Islands and southern Sakhalin, as well as the right to rent Port Arthur and operate the railway complex in Manchuria. The Yalta Conference adopted the "Declaration on Liberated Europe", which provides for the implementation of a coordinated policy of the three powers in the liberated European countries, the formation of democratic institutions, the creation of conditions for internal peace, and the provision of assistance to the liberated peoples.
Potsdam. The question of Germany occupied a central place in the work. "Political and economic principles to guide the treatment of Germany in the initial control period" were signed. The supreme power in Germany was to be exercised by the Control Council, composed of the commanders-in-chief of the occupying armed forces of the USSR, the USA, Great Britain and France. The Control Council was to carry out the complete demilitarization of Germany, to liquidate industry that could be used for war production. The liquidation of the entire system of the Nazi state, the fascist party and all its organizations, the means of Nazi militaristic propaganda was envisaged. War criminals were subject to arrest and trial. The conference considered a number of territorial and political issues. The USSR was transferred to Koenigsberg, the territory of Poland expanded significantly in the west at the expense of Germany. The foundations were laid for the signing of a series of peace treaties, taking into account the geopolitical interests of the USSR and confirming its borders that had developed in 1939.
Potsdam's decisions were only partially implemented, since in late 1945 and early 1946 there was a significant divergence of the former allies. Since 1946, the era of the Cold War began in international relations - the so-called "Iron Curtain" appeared, an aggravated confrontation between the two socio-political systems.
One of the main results of the Yalta and Potsdam conferences was the establishment of the geographical boundaries of states in Eastern Europe. These boundaries were confirmed in 1975 by the Helsinki Agreement.
For the first time, the issue of a post-war settlement at the highest level was raised during the Tehran Conference in 1943, where even then the strengthening of the position of the two powers - the USSR and the USA, which were increasingly taking a decisive role in determining the parameters of the post-war world. That is, even during the war, the prerequisites for the formation of the foundations of the future bipolar world are emerging. This trend was fully manifested already at the Yalta and Potsdam conferences, when the two superpowers of the USSR and the USA played the main role in solving the key problems associated with the formation of a new model of Defense Ministry.
The Potsdam era set a historical precedent, because never before had the whole world been artificially divided into spheres of influence between two states. The bipolar alignment of forces quickly led to the beginning of the confrontation between the capitalist and socialist camps, referred to in history as the Cold War.
The Potsdam era is characterized by extreme ideologization of international relations, as well as the constant threat of a direct military confrontation between the USSR and the USA.
The end of the Potsdam era was marked by the collapse of the world socialist camp, following a failed attempt to reform the economy of the Soviet Union, and was sealed by the 1991 Belovezhskaya Accords.
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The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations is the designation of the system of international relations adopted in historiography, fixed by the treaties and agreements of the Yalta and Potsdam conferences.
For the first time, the issue of a post-war settlement at the highest level was raised during the Tehran Conference in 1943, where even then the strengthening of the position of the two powers - the USSR and the USA, which were increasingly taking a decisive role in determining the parameters of the post-war world. That is, even during the war, the prerequisites for the formation of the foundations of the future bipolar world are emerging. This trend has already been fully manifested in Yalta ((February 4–11, 1945) - the second multilateral meeting of the leaders of the three great powers of the anti-Hitler coalition - the USSR, the USA and Great Britain)and Potsdam(from July 17 to August 2, 1945) conferences, when the two superpowers of the USSR and the USA played the main role in solving the key problems associated with the formation of a new model of the Defense Ministry.
The Potsdam era set a historical precedent, because never before had the whole world been artificially divided into spheres of influence between two states. The bipolar alignment of forces quickly led to the beginning of the confrontation between the capitalist and socialist camps, referred to in history as the Cold War.
The Potsdam era is characterized by an extreme ideologization of international relations, as well as the constant threat of a direct military confrontation between the USSR and the USA.
The end of the Potsdam era was marked by the collapse of the world socialist camp, following a failed attempt to reform the economy of the Soviet Union, and was sealed by the 1991 Belovezhskaya Agreement.
Peculiarities:
1. The multipolar organization of the structure of international relations was liquidated, a bipolar structure of the post-war MODs arose, in which two superstates, the USSR and the USA, played the leading role. A significant separation of the military, political, economic, cultural and ideological capabilities of these two powers from other countries of the world led to the formation of two main, dominant "centers of power" that had a system-forming influence on the structure and nature of the entire international system.
2. Confrontational nature - a systemic, complex confrontation in the economic, political, military, ideological and other spheres, a confrontation that from time to time acquired the character of an acute conflict, crisis interaction. This type of confrontation in the format of mutual threats to use force, balancing on the brink of a real war, was called the Cold War.
3. Post-war bipolarity took shape in the era of nuclear weapons, which led to a revolution, both in military and political strategies.
4. The distribution of the world into the sphere of influence of two superstates both in Europe and on the periphery, the emergence of "divided" countries (Germany, Korea, Vietnam, China) and the formation of military-political blocs, under the leadership of the USSR and the USA, led to globalization and deep geopolitical structuring systemic confrontation and confrontation.
5. Post-war bipolarity took the form of a political and ideological confrontation, an ideological confrontation between the "free world" of Western democracies led by the United States and the "socialist world" led by the USSR. The USA wanted the establishment of American hegemony in the world under the slogan "Pax Americana", the USSR - asserted the inevitability of the victory of socialism on a world scale. The Soviet-American confrontation looked primarily as a rivalry between a system of political and ethical ideals, social and moral principles.
6. The post-war world has ceased to be predominantly Eurocentric, the international system has turned into a global, global one. The destruction of colonial systems, the formation of regional and subregional subsystems of international relations was carried out under the dominant influence of the horizontal spread of the systemic bipolar confrontation and the trends of economic and political globalization.
7. The Yalta-Potsdam order did not have a strong contractual and legal basis. The agreements that formed the basis of the post-war order were either oral, not officially recorded, or were fixed mainly in a declarative form, or their full implementation was blocked as a result of the sharpness of contradictions and confrontation between the main subjects of post-war international relations.
8. The UN, one of the central elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system, became the main mechanism for coordinating efforts to exclude wars and conflicts from international life by harmonizing relations between states and creating a global system of collective security. Post-war realities, the intransigence of confrontational relations between the USSR and the USA significantly limited the ability of the UN to realize its statutory functions and goals. The main task of the UN was mainly focused on the prevention of an armed clash between the USSR and the USA both at the global and regional levels, that is, on maintaining the stability of Soviet-American relations as the main prerequisite for international security and peace in the postwar period.
Theoretical schools in international studies. Real-Political School of International Relations Studies (Realism and Neorealism)
Realism
The main provisions of classical realism boil down to the following:
International relations are
interaction between states that are essentially homogeneous, are unitary participants and, as people,
selfish in their aspirations.
The interaction of states is carried out chaotically, since
there is no "supranational power center". As a result international relations are "anarchic".
· Striving for power, in particular to military superiority
stuyu, which guarantees the security of states, is the main
tiv their activities.
· States first of all proceed from their own interests. At
In this they may take into account moral considerations, but not a single
of them does not have the right to determine "what is good,
abuse of moral speculation.
The political reality is different from the economic one: for
power is the main thing for politics, wealth is for the economy.
In the world of international relations dominated by power
factor, states should always be on full alert.
Morgenthau's Six Principles of Political Realism:
1. the probabilistic nature of political activity in the field of international relations.
2. the principle of national interests, understood in terms of power and might.
3. Foreign policy cannot be viewed through psychological phenomena.
4. political realism recognizes the moral significance of political action
5. Political realism denies the identity of the morality of a particular nation and universal moral laws.
6. The political sphere is autonomous;
Common to representatives of political realism are the following key provisions:
1. The main participants in international relationsare sovereign states. The realists believe what strong states do what they can, and weak states do what the strong allow them.
2
. "National interests" - the main category theories of political realism, the main motive and key incentive for state policy in the international arena.
As for the state of peace between states, it is ideal, because it always has a temporary character.
3
. The main goal of the state in international politics is to ensure its own security. However, they can never feel safe and are constantly striving to increase their own resources and improve their quality.
4. The power of the state is inseparable from its strength, which is one of the decisive means of ensuring national security in the international arena
The most famous representatives- Reinhold Niebuhr, Frederick Schumann, George Kennan, George Schwarzenberger, Kenneth Thompson, Henry Kissinger, Edward Carr, Arnold Wolfers and others - determined the paths of the science of international relations for a long time. Hans Morgenthau and Raymond Aron became the undisputed leaders in this direction.
5. Is it possible to change the nature of international relations? Realists regard this question as central to the study of international politics. However, in their opinion, as long as states exist, they will remain the main participants in international politics, functioning according to their own immutable laws.
6. In other words, according to supporters of political realism, it is possible to change the configuration of political forces, mitigate the consequences of international anarchy, establish more stable and more secure interstate relations, but the nature of international relations cannot be changed.
neorealism
The main provisions of neorealism:
§ International relations are considered as an integral system functioning in accordance with certain laws. Only system analysis can reveal the nature of international relations.
§ Neorealism shifts the center of explanation of international behavior to the level of the international system. Relations between the great powers and other states are not unequivocally anarchic, as they depend mainly on the will of the great powers.
§ In addition, Waltz identified three basic principles of the structure of international relations ("structural triad"). First, states are primarily driven by the motive of survival. Secondly, only states remain participants in international relations, since other actors have not caught up and have not surpassed the leading powers in terms of the presence of powers and power capabilities. Thirdly, states are heterogeneous, and differ in capabilities and potential.
§ Neorealism seeks to find and isolate economic relations from political ones.
§ striving for methodological rigor.
§ The main actors are states and their unions.
§ Them main goals - protection of national interests, the security of the state and the preservation of the status quo in international relations.
§ The main means of achieving these goals are force and alliances.
§ The driving force of international relations lies in the harsh, deterrent effect of the structural constraints of the international system.
Similarities between neorealism and political realism:
§ Both realists and neorealists believe that, since the nature of international relations has not changed for thousands of years, there is no reason to believe that they will acquire any other character in the future.
§ Both theories believe that all attempts to change the international system, based on liberal-idealistic grounds, are doomed to failure in advance.
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