Uzbek-Kyrgyz conflict. The conflict between Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan: then the whole of Central Asia. Why are relations between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan bad?
Bloody unrest in southern Kyrgyzstan has strained relations between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks in both Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. Both sides need help, observers from the region say.
The armed conflict that took place in the south of Kyrgyzstan in mid-June significantly increased tension between the Kyrgyz and Uzbeks, experts interviewed by Deutsche Welle admit.
Khatimdzhan Yakubov, a specialist in civil cases at a law firm in Osh, talks about facts of violation of the rights of Uzbeks by law enforcement. He tells a case from his practice when an Uzbek named Aziz was stopped by traffic police and, insulting the detainee, demanded that he leave Kyrgyzstan. Aziz, according to Yakubov, actually left the country soon. “There is another person under investigation,” says the lawyer. “Not only was he beaten and mutilated by law enforcement officers, in prison he was told that if he did not pay a certain amount, then he would not be released tomorrow and was unlikely to live until next month."
In Osh, according to Yakubov, most of the population is still afraid to go out. “In Jalal-Abad, they say it’s already a little more stable. But here about 2-3 percent of the population is walking, the rest are sitting at home, they will have a crisis tomorrow, they will run out of money, they don’t know what to do next.”
Psychological rehabilitation required
In addition to providing humanitarian assistance, it is vital to carry out psychological work with the local population, says Zhanna Saralaeva, president of the Association “Women Leaders of Jalal-Abad”. Both Kyrgyz and Uzbeks who contacted its crisis center reported animosity toward each other. “I don’t know, maybe next, if everything gets better, I will overcome my hatred and communicate with them, but for now I have no such desire,” Saralaeva recalls the words of one Kyrgyz girl who came from the city of Osh.
The conflict has forced many to leave southern Kyrgyzstan or prepare to do so. According to Zhanna Saralaeva, representatives of the Uzbek population are especially active in leaving. "They are not sure that everything will get better soon, because elections are coming, and they do not trust the authorities who have come in now. And in general, they are worried about their safety."
Lack of integration program
The growth of mutual hostility between the Uzbeks and Kyrgyz is also noted by Ruslan Tashanov, coordinator of the project on preventing ethnic conflicts of the Public Foundation for International Tolerance in Osh. “First of all, the problem is that there are people who have lost their loved ones and who have lost their homes. They definitely have accumulated a lot of negative emotions, so the danger is that they may take extreme measures, that is, revenge. We need to work with these people."
Tashanov, in an interview with Deutsche Welle, said that it is wrong to believe that ethnic minorities are discriminated against in the country. To support his words, he cited a number of figures. "In Kyrgyzstan there were 2 Uzbek universities, 135 schools with Uzbek language training, drama theatre, 3 television channels in the south of Kyrgyzstan, 5 newspapers. Such conditions have not been created for Uzbeks in any other state,” Tashanov noted. “In the law enforcement system, the police make up about 30 percent personnel, at least in the city of Osh there were people Uzbek nationality"We note that earlier local human rights activists have repeatedly expressed concern over the fact that the Osh police, according to their data, consists predominantly of representatives of Kyrgyz nationality.
Ruslan Tashanov noted that an important factor in the conflict was the lack of a state integration program in Kyrgyzstan. “In those communities where Kyrgyz and Uzbeks lived mixed, there is definitely no conflict. There were those areas where Kyrgyz and Uzbeks jointly patrolled their neighborhood, there are a lot of such areas, even in the city of Osh, I can definitely say that 75 percent of the population did not participate in conflict."
" Moral duty " government
The likelihood of a new escalation of the conflict should not be downplayed, says Farhad Tolipov, an independent political scientist from Tashkent. “The local population, accustomed to clashes, will remember this for a long time and will not calm down, realizing that there was a conflict in 1990, and 20 years later it all happened again. That is, who guarantees that this will not happen again?” Tolipov noted. “That’s why The local population will remain anxious for a long time about the possibility of any clashes."
To prevent a conflict similar to the June clashes in the future, Tolipov proposes convening a meeting at top level between Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. "We must come to one general idea, give the same assessments of this event, this is very important with political point vision to show that there is no basis for friction or mutual suspicion between Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, that we continue to cooperate,” the political scientist noted. In addition, Tolipov believes that it is necessary to develop a strategic mechanism for monitoring the situation in the region with the involvement of the expert community, scientists and officials of the two countries.
According to Tolipov, an official apology from the country's government for failing to guarantee the lives and rights of its citizens could soften the mood in Kyrgyzstan. "This is simply a moral duty. An international objective investigation is still needed, not subjective opinions. But moral aspect no one ruled it out. Therefore, I believe that the leadership could, after holding mourning, lowering the flags, also apologize. It would even be Muslim."
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Context
Human rights activists call the situation in Kyrgyzstan a humanitarian disaster
The number of Uzbek residents trying to leave the conflict zone in southern Kyrgyzstan has reached 80 thousand. 117 people became victims of interethnic clashes, and about 1,500 were injured. Human rights activists speak of a humanitarian catastrophe. (14.06.2010)
The situation in Central Asia from the point of view of ensuring regional stability and security remains very difficult. Territorial and other related interstate contradictions began to appear after the collapse of the USSR and are currently still far from being resolved.
In relations between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, one of the main points of contradiction is the problem of border demarcation. Along the entire perimeter of the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border, with a length of about 1300 km, there are different estimates, from 70 to 100 disputed areas. Today, only those areas are delimited where the border runs along mountain ranges and those valleys where there were no significant disagreements. Particularly controversial are the sections of borders that run along water arteries, such as canals, rivers and reservoirs, where not only issues of territorial demarcation are affected, but also the solution of water management problems.
And yet, the most severe debate is being conducted in relation to a number of sections of the Fergana Valley. Today in the south of Kyrgyzstan there are 75 disputed areas that are gradually coming under the influence of Uzbekistan. In addition, on the territory of Kyrgyzstan there are two Uzbek enclaves numbering, according to various sources, from 40 to 50 thousand people. In turn, in Uzbekistan there is a Kyrgyz enclave with a population of about 600 people. Moreover, all of them are deprived of direct access to the territories of their states, which creates significant difficulties for their population. The parties have repeatedly tried to resolve this problem, however, their approaches to solving it differ significantly.
The Uzbek leadership is making attempts to conclude an agreement on the exchange of territories with its Kyrgyz colleagues. However, the Kyrgyz side considers the proposed options unacceptable, since their implementation will almost completely cut off two regions of the country - Leilek and Batken - from the rest of the state. The solution to this issue is complicated by the fact that in one of these enclaves (Sokh) open oil fields, in respect of which Lately There are attempts at violent seizure by both sides. Moreover, Uzbekistan, taking advantage of the presence of more powerful armed forces, is increasing its military contingent on the borders with Kyrgyzstan and in the Sokh enclave itself.
It should be noted that recently a new factor may intervene in solving this problem, which appeared during the “color revolution” in Kyrgyzstan in the spring of 2005. It is known that the total number of the Uzbek population in Kyrgyzstan is about 700 thousand people. At the same time, the Uzbek diaspora mainly occupies the rebellious Osh and Jalalabad regions in the south of the country. Its representatives, taking advantage of the corruption of local officials, strive to occupy key positions in a number of sectors of the economy (trade, agricultural production and services), as well as in local government bodies.
Organizations emerged whose leaders began to put forward demands for a mandatory quota for Uzbeks in parliament and government bodies state power, on the need to legislatively secure the post of governor of the Osh region and mayor of the city of Osh for persons of Uzbek nationality. Therefore, with the onset of unrest, they escalated the situation to achieve their goals.
Taking into account Tashkent’s claims to some territories of Kyrgyzstan, as well as nationalist sentiments in the Uzbek diaspora and similar sentiments among the extremist-minded part of the residents of Kyrgyzstan, we can conclude that these circumstances can become a big problem for regional security and stability. This was fully confirmed during the May and June 2010 riots in the cities of Osh and Jalalabad, which resulted in more than 2,000 dead and wounded and about 100 thousand refugees from among the Uzbek population.
The second significant point of interstate contradictions between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan is associated with different views on the causes of the spread of terrorism in the region, as well as ways and methods of combating it. The invasion of southern Kyrgyzstan by militants of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan in 1999 sharply complicated relations between Tashkent and Bishkek. During the Batken events, the President of Uzbekistan accused Bishkek of the fact that “the bandits did not just cross the border of Kyrgyzstan, but have been quietly traveling from Tajikistan through Kyrgyzstan to Uzbekistan for two years now. Hence these bandit attacks, tons of explosives that were found in Kokand, Andijan and Namangan. All this was transported through the territory of Kyrgyzstan.”
The Kyrgyz authorities, for their part, say that Tashkent’s repressive actions against religious figures and Islamic organizations in the early and mid-1990s caused a strong reaction and contributed to the formation of an armed opposition, which he now has to fight.
It should be noted that in its anti-terrorist fight, the leadership of Uzbekistan often resorts to forceful methods, contrary to the opinions of its neighbors. Thus, the Uzbek military mined some territories of Kyrgyzstan and gorges around the enclaves of Sokh and Shahi-Mardan, which led to casualties among local residents and also caused significant damage to livestock. Only thanks to the persistent demands of Kyrgyzstan and international organizations Uzbek specialists carried out demining work. The issue of payment of material compensation for the damage caused by the Uzbek side was ignored.
In addition to what has been noted, problems in relations between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan also exist in the sphere of economic interaction, including the joint use water resources region.
“World powers in Central Asia”, M., 2011, p. 95-98.
Exactly 5 years ago, on June 10-11, 2010, interethnic clashes broke out in the south of Kyrgyzstan between Uzbeks and Kyrgyz who had lived here for many years in the neighborhood. In the Osh and Jalalabad regions, the riots did not stop for four days, the rioters used automatic weapons. The Uzbeks left their houses and fled, saving their lives. In those days, Uzbekistan accepted about 75 thousand refugees. According to official data alone, 447 people died. Unofficially - four or five times more. Lenta.ru found eyewitnesses of the events and asked, on condition of anonymity, to tell what they witnessed.
There are two of my interlocutors. Both are residents of border towns between Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. The difficulty is that, having divided formally, both states cannot do this in practice. Yes, most of the border is already properly designed, but it often has a very whimsical design. Akram Khojaev (not his real name) is an ethnic Uzbek who lives in the city of Kara-Suu, Osh region of Kyrgyzstan. The city is located close to the border and Uzbek city Karasu, Andijan region.
Akram-aka does not hide the fact that relations between the Uzbeks and the Kyrgyz, despite the apparent friendliness, have always been tense: however, as often happens, the conflict almost always manifested itself only at the everyday level. The coup d'etat in Kyrgyzstan changed everything. On April 7, 2010, opposition forces launched a long process of redistribution of power in the country, effectively expelling President Kurmanbek Bakiyev first from Bishkek and then from the republic. The unrest in Talas and Bishkek, according to my interlocutor, set into motion a hidden mechanism of mutual hostility.
“Between April 7 and June 10, there were several clashes between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks,” he says. - We knew that there were provocateurs on both sides who were increasing interethnic tensions. But until some point we managed to resolve all disputes peacefully.” In Osh, Akram was engaged in the production of metal tiles and ran a small workshop. On June 10, 2010, he left work at 6 o’clock and returned to Kara-Suu.
Photo: Vasily Shaposhnikov / Kommersant
The pogroms began around 10 pm. In Kara-Suu they found out about this late at night, but were not particularly alarmed. They said that a group of Kyrgyz had gathered somewhere and attacked the Uzbeks, but the information was contradictory - other messengers came and claimed that, on the contrary, a group of Uzbeks had attacked the Kyrgyz.
“We thought that this was just another skirmish and that everything would calm down by morning. On the morning of June 11, I even got ready to go to work in my workshop, but my friends stopped me and warned me that now everything is serious in Osh and it’s better not to take risks,” recalls Akram. In Kara-Suu itself, pogroms were avoided, as residents barricaded the city. All the roads leading to Kara-Suu were lined with containers and large cars so that no one could get in or out. At that moment, the city was defended by the Uzbeks together with the Kyrgyz. “Everyone understood that the pogromists in Osh and Jalal-Abad were provocateurs, coming from nearby villages in the south of Kyrgyzstan, and therefore it was important to unite and prevent clashes and looting,” Akram emphasizes. And he adds: “We defended Kara-Suu then.”
Akram was able to return to his workshop in Osh only after two weeks. “I went inside and couldn’t believe my eyes: everything was destroyed, burned and stolen. There is nothing left except one machine,” he notes. It was possible to more or less restore the workshop only at the beginning of July. He worked only three to four hours a day: the danger of collisions remained.
Akram still lives in his hometown, but goes to work in Osh. He says that relations between the Uzbeks and Kyrgyz are now good, but some tension is felt.
“Many of my Uzbek acquaintances and friends left Kyrgyzstan after the June events of 2010,” he sums up. - Some moved to Uzbekistan, others to Russia and Europe. Everyone is afraid of a repeat of what happened. We are trying our best to prevent this from happening again.”
My other interlocutor, Nasretdin Dilbarov, a large middle-aged man, refused to talk on this topic for a long time. As is customary in the East, at first he tried to laugh it off loudly, however, when I persisted, Nasretdin suddenly became stern, suddenly revealing gray hair. “We’ll talk only if you don’t name my native village, where I had to flee from,” he puts forward a condition. There is nothing unexpected in his request - in the small settlements along the border, everyone local in sight. Neighbors notice significant details no worse than journalists and can easily identify the hero of the publication. But grievances are remembered here for a long time.
Nasretdin is one of those who had to flee during the days of confrontation. We talk to him at his son's house.
“When they remember the clashes between Uzbeks and Kyrgyz in the summer of 2010, they talk mainly about Osh and Jalal-Abad and almost nothing about what happened in our village,” he begins the story with bitterness. His village is located very close to the border. The Uzbeks and Kyrgyz always got along well there, and there were no reasons for conflicts. But when on the evening of June 10 there was talk in the village that Kyrgyz detachments were burning houses and killing Uzbeks in Osh, residents poured out into the street. The panic began.
Anticipating an attack, late at night on June 10, women, children, and old people decided to flee to the border of Uzbekistan. “In our region there are two or three villages where they live for the most part Kyrgyz,” continues Nasretdin. - If you go through these villages, you can get there faster, there is an asphalt road. But we were afraid that their inhabitants - the Kyrgyz - would attack us, so we moved around.”
There were about 10 thousand people in the crowd. Nasretdin aka went on the road with his daughter and granddaughter. “I remember how I jumped out into the street in summer slippers and ran in them. The slippers flew off my feet and I had to stop to find them in the darkness. It was scary! But everyone kept going without stopping,” he says.
In the dead of night, refugees reached the Uzbek border. Usually it is always closed and strictly controlled by Uzbekistan, but at night it was opened for women, children and the elderly. Some of the men were also allowed through. “In the Andijan region we were placed in specially prepared tents, fed and given water. Everyone in need was provided with medical assistance and medicines,” recalls Nasretdin.
After staying in Uzbekistan for about two weeks, the Uzbek refugees got ready to go home. It was scary to return, and it was unknown whether their homes were still standing. Nasretdin-aki's house was located inside the makhali (in the Islamic world - a quarter with local government - approx. "Tapes.ru"), so the pogromists did not burn it, but the daughter’s house burned down.
The Kyrgyz authorities organized for the returnees humanitarian aid: they gave out food, clothes, blankets: “My daughter was provided with building materials, and winter frosts her relatives helped her build a two-room temporary shed instead of a burned-out house,” explains Nasretdin. His neighbors, who remained in the village during the days of the pogroms, said that the next day after the escape, shooting began. The Uzbeks fired back with carbines. Several people were killed. In total, about 200 Uzbek houses were robbed and burned in the village.
"But human life It’s designed in such a way that everything bad is forgotten,” notes Nasretdin. Now in his village, the Uzbeks again live next door to the Kyrgyz and get along well. The main thing for everyone today is calm. Nobody wants a repetition of those events.
In May 2011, the International Independent Commission for the Study of Events in Southern Kyrgyzstan presented a report in which main reason The conflict was named after the political vacuum that reigned in the country after the coup in April. According to the report, 74 percent of the dead were Uzbeks, 25 percent were Kyrgyz.
No one was held responsible for what happened.
Osh-aimagy, "Osh region"). The main task of “Adolat” was the preservation and development of the culture, language, and traditions of the Uzbek people. Goals and objectives of “Osh-aimagy” - implementation constitutional rights people and providing people with land for housing construction - united mainly Kyrgyz youth.In May 1990, poor young Kyrgyz people demanded that they be provided with plots for housing construction on the land of the collective farm named after. Lenin near the city of Osh. The authorities agreed to satisfy this demand. Starting from May 30, on the received field of the collective farm, the Kyrgyz held rallies demanding the removal from the post of the first deputy chairman of the Supreme Council of the Kyrgyz SSR, former first the secretary of the regional party committee, who, in their opinion, did not solve the problems of registration, employment and housing of Kyrgyz youth and contributed to the fact that mainly Uzbeks worked in the trade and service sector in Osh.
The Uzbeks perceived the allocation of land to the Kyrgyz extremely negatively. They also held rallies and adopted an appeal to the leadership of Kyrgyzstan and the region with demands to create Uzbek autonomy in the Osh region, give the Uzbek language the status of one of the state languages, and create an Uzbek Cultural Center, open an Uzbek faculty at Osh pedagogical institute and remove from his post the first secretary of the regional committee, who supposedly protects the interests of only the Kyrgyz population. They demanded a response by June 4.
On June 1, the Uzbeks who rented housing to the Kyrgyz began to evict them, as a result of which more than 1,500 Kyrgyz tenants also began to demand the allocation of land plots for development. The Kyrgyz also demanded that the authorities give them a final answer on the provision of land by June 4.
However, the republican commission headed by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Kirghiz SSR A. Dzhumagulov recognized the allocation of land for development of the collective farm named after. Lenin is illegal and it was decided to allocate others for housing construction land. The majority of the Kyrgyz, who need land for development, and the Uzbeks agreed with this decision, but about 200 representatives of Osh-Aimagy continued to insist on providing them with the land of the collective farm named after. Lenin.
Conflict
On June 4, the Kyrgyz and Uzbeks met on the field of the collective farm named after. Lenin. About 1.5 thousand Kyrgyz came, more than 10 thousand Uzbeks. They were separated by police armed with machine guns.
As reported [ ], Uzbek youth tried to break through the police cordon and attack the Kyrgyz, they began to throw stones and bottles at the police, two policemen were captured. The police opened fire and, according to some sources, 6 Uzbeks were killed (according to other information, wounded). After this, the Uzbek crowd, led by leaders, shouted “Blood for blood!” headed to Osh, smashing Kyrgyz houses. From June 4 to June 6, the number of Uzbek pogromists increased to 20 thousand due to those arriving from districts, villages and Andijan (Uzbek SSR). About 30-40 Uzbeks tried to seize the buildings of the Osh City Police Department, pre-trial detention center-5, and the Department of Internal Affairs of the Osh Regional Executive Committee, but they failed and the police detained about 35 active pogromists.
On the night of June 6–7 in Osh, the police department building and a police detachment were shelled, two police officers were wounded. On the border with the Andijan region of the Uzbek SSR, a crowd of thousands of Uzbeks appeared, arriving to help the Osh Uzbeks.
On the morning of June 7, attacks occurred on pumping station and the city motor depot, interruptions began in the supply of food and drinking water to the population.
Kyrgyz-Uzbek clashes occurred in other populated areas Osh region. In the Fergana, Andijan and Namangan regions of the Uzbek SSR, beatings of the Kyrgyz and burning of their houses began, which caused the flight of the Kyrgyz from the territory of Uzbekistan.
The massacre was stopped only in the evening of June 6, by bringing army units into the region. At the cost of enormous efforts, the army and police managed to avoid the involvement of the population of Uzbekistan in the conflict on the territory of the Kyrgyz SSR. The march of armed Uzbeks from the cities of Namangan and Andijan to Osh was stopped several tens of kilometers from the city. The crowd overturned police cordons and burned cars; cases of clashes with army units. Then the main political and religious figures Uzbek SSR, which helped to avoid further casualties.
Victims
According to the investigative team of the USSR Prosecutor's Office, about 1,200 people died in the conflict on the Kyrgyz side in the cities of Uzgen and Osh, as well as in the villages of the Osh region, and on the Uzbek side, investigators found about 10 thousand episodes of crimes. 1,500 criminal cases were sent to the courts. About 30-35 thousand people took part in the conflict, about 300 people were brought to criminal responsibility. After Kyrgyzstan gained independence, they were all released.
In popular culture
The Osh events of 1990 are mentioned in the series “National Security Agent” (Season 2, film “The Man Without a Face”). According to the plot, the hero of Konstantin Khabensky, KGB officer of the USSR Hussein Sabbakh, was infiltrated into a nationalist group that carried out a bloody massacre in Osh. To confirm the legend, Sabbah was forced to take an active part in the riots and prove his loyalty to the group with the blood of civilians.
see also
Notes
Links
- Kommersant: Osh massacre of 1990
- Evolution in Europe; SOVIETS INTERVENE IN ETHNIC VIOLENCE - NYTimes.com (English)
- Soviets Report New Clashes In Central Asian City of Osh - NYTimes.com (English)
- Charles Recknagel. Ferghana Valley: A Tinderbox For Violence(English) . Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (June 17, 2010). Retrieved February 6, 2017.
- Kaplan, Robert D. The Ends of the Earth: From Togo to Turkmenistan, from Iran to Cambodia – a Journey to the Frontiers of Anarchy. - Vintage Books, 1997. - ISBN 978-0-679-75123-6.
- Luong, Pauline Jones. The Transformation of Central Asia: States and Societies from Soviet Rule to Independence. - Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004. - P. 154–46. - ISBN 978-0-8014-4151-6.
- Alexander Shustov. Interethnic conflicts in Central Asia (I) (undefined) (February 2, 2008). Retrieved October 25, 2008. Archived September 15, 2008.
- Aksana Ismailbekova. A glimmer of hope in bloodstained Kyrgyzstan (undefined) . Fergana.news (10.08.2010). Retrieved February 6, 2017.
- Lubin, Nancy. Calming the Ferghana Valley: Development and Dialogue in the Heart of Central Asia / Nancy Lubin, Martin, Rubin. - New York, NY: The Century Foundation Press, 1999. - ISBN 978-0-87078-414-9.
- Tishkov, Valery (May 1995). “"Don"t Kill Me, I"m a Kyrgyz!": An Anthropological Analysis of Violence in the Osh Ethnic Conflict." Journal of Peace Research. 32 (2): 133-149. DOI:10.1177/0022343395032002002.
- Razakov's talent. Osh events: Based on KGB materials. - Bishkek: Renaissance, 1993. - ISBN 5-85580-001-6.
- A. A. Asankanov, Kyrgyz Tarykh: Encyclopedia, Bishkek, 2003. ISBN 5-89750-150-5.
| Background | ||
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| Parade of sovereignties |
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Two weeks ago, news reports began to fill the news from the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border, which has sharply worsened due to the deployment of soldiers and armored vehicles of the two countries. Both Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan dispute some disputed areas, which they cannot yet divide. Naturally, the interweaving of political and ethnic motives here creates a very explosive situation that threatens to set fire to Central Asia, which will be a disaster not only for the region itself, but also for Russia, for which war in its “underbelly” is unacceptable.
It all started with the deployment of additional Uzbek forces on March 18, supported by armored vehicles, on the disputed section of the border. In response, Kyrgyzstan also strengthened its forces in the area. The Kyrgyz President made a statement Almazbek Atambaev, who stated that Bishkek, in the event of further escalation of the conflict, “will give Uzbekistan a worthy rebuff.” “We have more than 50 disputed areas on the border, and therefore, unfortunately, there will be conflicts on the border. We are not supporters of war, but, nevertheless, we are ready to give a worthy answer. Previously, they frightened us by cutting off electricity and gas, but over the past five years we have nullified all these threats. And that’s why neighbors are taking such steps,” said the head of state. A week later, however, the conflict was resolved - the parties agreed to withdraw their forces from the disputed area.
It is worth noting that border conflicts in Central Asia are far from a new phenomenon. The roots of this should be sought in the Soviet past, when, during the administrative demarcation in the union republics, Moscow often ignored all the ethnic, socio-economic and cultural aspects and nuances that existed in a particular territory. But in fairness, it must be noted that the then Soviet leaders and nightmare I couldn’t have dreamed about everything that happened in 1991. None of them could have thought that what they created internal borders will soon become external borders. However, it happened.
Generally on this moment About 20 percent of the section of the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border remains uncoordinated. The disputes between the two countries are over 58 sites, 28 of which are located in the Ala-Buka and Aksy regions. The situation is complicated by the fact that most of these areas are mountainous, so demarcation there is quite difficult. And the stubbornness of the parties also plays a role - Bishkek and Tashkent do not want to compromise with each other on the issue of disputed areas. All this causes periodic incidents. This is especially true for the enclaves that the region inherited from the USSR. The most acute situation here is in the Fergana Valley, divided between Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. There are several enclaves in the valley near the border of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Thus, in Kyrgyzstan there are the Uzbek enclaves Sokh and Shahirdaman. The Kyrgyz village of Barak and some other settlements are located on the territory of Uzbekistan.
From time to time, tension is provoked by measures taken by both sides to close sections of the border with enclaves. Thus, a rather serious incident occurred in the Uzbek village of Khushyar, which is surrounded on all sides by Kyrgyz territory. It all started with the installation of power lines by Kyrgyz border guards that ran right through the territory of the enclave. The Uzbeks called Bishkek's actions an invasion of their territory and responded by attacking the neighboring Kyrgyz village of Chabrak. The Uzbeks took hostages with them, who were taken to the territory of their enclave, after which the Kyrgyz border guards blocked all entries and exits for the Uzbeks. The situation was resolved only through difficult negotiations. Tashkent is also, under various pretexts, closing sections of its border with Kyrgyz enclaves, which is forcing Bishkek to look for new transport routes in order to maintain contact with them.
Thus, the accumulated problems require an early solution, however, given local specifics, it’s unlikely to be done quickly.
The question here, in fact, is not only ethnic enclaves, but also in water sources. One of them is the Orto-Tokoy reservoir, located in the disputed border areas. Tashkent declares that this strategic facility, on the work of which the lives of tens of thousands of citizens of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan depend, belongs to it, as it was built in the 1940s with funds from the Uzbek SSR. Bishkek does not agree with this, stating that the land on which the reservoir is located rightfully belongs to Kyrgyzstan. The dispute between the parties is quite understandable, since water in the arid region of Central Asia is the most valuable resource. And no one wants to lose him.
The current situation for the Bell of Russia was commented on by the first vice-president of the Academy of Geopolitical Problems, chairman of the Union of Geopoliticians Konstantin Sivkov. According to the expert, a serious conflict due to Kyrgyz-Uzbek contradictions should not be expected, but third forces may try to benefit from it.
“There was no serious clash there as such; it is not of fundamental importance. However, the dispute between Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan over the border has a history of more than 20 years, and the conflict can with full confidence be called sluggish. But third forces, for example, the United States, may try to take advantage of it: increase the degree of tension and transfer the dispute between the two countries to a fundamental level. new level, where the parties could already use weapons against each other,” the political scientist believes.
Sivkov noted that Washington, in its desire to weaken Russia’s increased geopolitical influence, is trying to create a so-called southern zone instability, which would stretch from the Balkans to the border of the Central Asian republics with China. Naturally, Central Asia, due to its geopolitical position, is favored in this belt the main role. There are quite a lot of problems in the region now, including the spread of radical Islamism. A new conflict point in the region would be beneficial to the United States, which will try with all its might to blow up this “underbelly of Russia”.
And here, according to the geopolitical expert, Uzbekistan is of key importance. "President of Uzbekistan Islam Karimov trying, as they say, to sit “on two chairs,” situationally speaking either on the side of Russia or on the side of the United States. But in general, Uzbekistan is now pursuing a pro-Western policy. Therefore, under pressure from Washington and its allies, primarily Ankara, the head of Uzbekistan may decide to escalate the conflict,” the expert said.
As for Russia, it, says Sivkov, must urgently try to resolve the contradictions between Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan through those tools that can be used within the CIS. “You can also involve the Treaty Organization collective security(CSTO) and Shanghai organization cooperation (SCO), including China, whose influence in the region has recently increased sharply. Beijing is also disadvantaged by instability in Central Asia, since the region borders the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China, known for its separatist sentiments,” the political scientist concluded.
A similar point of view is shared by a political scientist and an expert on Central Asia. Rafik Sayfulin: “The problem exists not only between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks, but also between Tajiks and Uzbeks. Any dispute in the border area can become the beginning of a conflict.” At the same time, he noted that Uzbekistan often sends an additional border detachment to the border in order to counter extremists who sometimes penetrate into Uzbekistan from Kyrgyzstan. “Tashkent believes that Bishkek is not fully taking adequate measures to counter Islamists, as well as IS (an extremist organization banned in Russia - approx.. edit.) . It is well known that negative trends are growing in Kyrgyzstan, many young people are leaving for the Islamic State, and in Bishkek they know this and do not hide it,” Saifulin concluded.
In general, the presence of a powder keg in the Central Asian region is obvious. And, based on the complexity of local contradictions, as well as the ambitions of the political elites of the former post-Soviet republics, they can negotiate more successfully among themselves only through the mediation of Moscow, which often acts as a kind of arbiter in solving many local problems. This was the case when determining the border between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, when the parties were finally able to reach a mutual agreement. It looks like Russia is Once again must solve local problems. Otherwise, those forces that are interested in weakening our country will not miss the chance to take advantage of Moscow’s inaction.
Ivan Proshkin