Where is Yavlinsky now? Wife Elena: “I’ll cut off everything you have hanging around if you ever use the child in your political interests again.” Pleshka - Council of Ministers

The publication Life.ru found out that many representatives of Russian political parties, who declare in their programs about the inadmissibility of “capital flight” abroad, have their own, completely foreign and even very elite property. At the same time, the owners of foreign real estate are not ordinary party functionaries, but relatives of the first party officials.

Focus special attention The press came across the family of Grigory Yavlinsky, now an informal leader, and previously the chairman of the Yabloko party. In particular, it turned out that the youngest son of Grigory Alekseevich, Alexei Yavlinsky, owns an apartment in an elite area of ​​London, which can cost from five hundred thousand to one and a half million pounds sterling.

The apartment is located less than four kilometers from Buckingham Palace and Westminster Abbey in a luxury housing complex. Alexey Yavlinsky also heads a certain company Behold Research Limited, authorized capital which, however, is only a hundred pounds.

The online community, in connection with the Yavlinsky family real estate, has already remembered the “500 days” program for decommunization Russian economy, which Grigory Alekseevich promoted in the nineties, and his projects “Sakhalin-1” and “Sakhalin-2”, the essence of which was to give Sakhalin oil to foreign companies, British and American, and then buy it at the market price, and even his theses that it would be good to give the Kuril Islands to Japan.

Well, it seems like, for his activities in the nineties, the brave politician still received his reward in the form of an elite apartment. However, it is worth saying that if I received it, it was much earlier.

The fact is that Grigory Alekseevich’s eldest son, Mikhail Grigorievich Smotryaev, also lives in London and owns an entire house. The house, by the way, is also located in a prestigious location in London, on Derby Hill street in the Forest Hill area. In 2003, the cost of such housing was estimated at between 250 and 450 thousand pounds. Now multiply by two, or even three. The house is not bad, two-story, in general, an excellent home for a respectable gentleman. So the “reward” found the hero much earlier.

At the same time, it is clear that Yavlinsky’s children themselves in London would not be able to earn enough for such housing. One of them was a journalist by profession, the second was engaged in consulting. In general, typical blue collar workers. Hence the conclusion: Dad helped with the real estate. But where does an “honest politician” and fighter for “solidarity between rich and poor” get such funds and opportunities? This is a very interesting question.

In general, if we move away from the footage, amounts and social geography of London, then about Grigory Yavlinsky himself there are questions of a purely psychological nature. This is what the person was thinking when he bought this very housing, left it as “family assets,” but at the same time campaigned for some kind of “ social liberalism" What will people swallow, what will they not dig up? What is this secret that will not become apparent?

In general, our non-systemic liberals and oppositionists of the “old formation”, who came out of the nineties, live in some kind of their own world, where the more brazenly and clumsily you lie to people, the more respectable and popular you seem to be. But this is such a bizarre distortion of perception that you probably need to contact the appropriate specialists in the field of psychiatry.

At the same time, nothing bothers Grigory Alekseevich. Materials about his family’s foreign property are in open access. Since the beginning of the 2000s, everyone can read about the house of the eldest son completely freely. And he keeps telling the voter how he is against the export of capital from the country, how he is for social justice and “equal opportunities for all.”

It’s just interesting, having what “equal” opportunities for all citizens of our country, Grigory Alekseevich arranged for his children in this way, providing them with a comfortable and even luxurious existence?

Chairman of the Federal Political Committee of the Russian United democratic party"APPLE". Doctor of Economic Sciences, Professor of the National research university"High School of Economics"

Born on April 10, 1952 in Lvov. Father - participant of the Great Patriotic War, head of the children's reception center for street children, mother - chemistry teacher at the institute.

He graduated from evening school for working youth, working as a mechanic at a glass company. In his youth he took up boxing, two-time champion of the Ukrainian SSR in boxing among juniors (1967, 1968).

1973. Graduated with honors from the Plekhanov Moscow Institute of National Economy, 1976 g. - graduate school.

WITH 1976 g. - work at the All-Union Scientific Research Institute of Management under the Ministry of Coal Industry of the USSR. Work in Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Chelyabinsk and other cities.

WITH 1980 g. - Head of the heavy industry sector at the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and Social Issues. WITH 1984 g. - deputy head of the consolidated department, then head of department social development and population.

1989. Head of the Consolidated Economic Department of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

1990. Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, Chairman of the State Commission for Economic Reform. In this post, he prepares a program for transforming the Soviet economy into a market economy (“500 days”) and a package of laws for its implementation. The program was approved by the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, the Supreme Councils of a number of union republics; it was supported by the majority of the leaders of the republics. However, by the fall of 1991, the Union and Russian governments abandoned their obligations to implement it. Disagreeing with the change in economic course, Yavlinsky resigned.

1991. Development of a program for the integration of the Soviet economy into the world economy economic system- “Agreement to a chance.” After the August putsch, he was appointed deputy chairman of the Committee for the Operational Management of the National Economy of the USSR with the rank of deputy prime minister. In this position, in order to maintain a unified economic space and relations with the union republics, he prepared the “Treaty on the Economic Community of the Republics of the USSR” and 26 annexes to it. The treaty was approved by the heads of 11 republics of the USSR and ratified by Russia. As a result of the Bialowieza Accords, which put an end to the USSR, the treaty was not implemented. Yavlinsky left the government.

WITH 1992 - Chairman of the Council of the Center for Economic and Political Research (EPI-Center). Under his leadership, comprehensive proposals are being prepared as a socially oriented alternative to the ongoing economic reforms of Yegor Gaidar.

1992. Develops a program for market reforms in the Nizhny Novgorod region (“Nizhny Novgorod Prologue”) commissioned by Governor Boris Nemtsov, which was implemented and yielded positive results.

1993. Creates the electoral bloc “Yavlinsky - Boldyrev - Lukin” to participate in elections to the State Duma of the first convocation. The co-founders of the block were the former chief state inspector of Russia Yuri Boldyrev and the scientist and diplomat, former ambassador Russia in the USA Vladimir Lukin. Based on the first letters of the founders' surnames, the bloc is called "YABLOK" by journalists. The bloc included several political parties: Republican, Social Democratic and Russian Christian Democratic Union - New Democracy. In your program new block dissociated himself both from the “democrats” in power and from the communists.

WITH 1995 - leader of the public all-Russian political Association "YABLOKO", which in 2001 was transformed into political party. IN 2001-2008 gg. - Chairman of the Russian United Democratic Party "YABLOKO". WITH 2008 g. - member of the Federal Political Committee of the Party, with 2015 - Chairman of the Federal Political Committee.

1994-2003 . Leader of the YABLOKO faction in the State Duma. He confirmed his parliamentary powers three times. The faction, in particular, achieved the adoption of the law “On streamlining the remuneration of employees of public sector organizations,” which ensured an increase in the salaries of public sector employees, as well as a law on the mandatory publication of declarations on income and property of government members. YABLOKO initiated a gradual transition to a contract army and the introduction of a flat tax scale and the establishment of the lowest rate in Europe income tax, which led to an increase in budget revenues and contributed to the emergence of the economy from the shadows.

Declaring itself a faction of constructive opposition, YABLOKO has repeatedly criticized laws submitted to the Duma, in particular the budgets of 1996-2000. Since 2000, deputies of the faction under the leadership of Yavlinsky have been developing alternative projects for state budgets. State priorities highlighted in the faction's alternative budgets: strengthening the country's defense capability, developing education, carrying out judicial and military reforms - were supported by financial justifications and calculations. The faction's proposals for additional budget revenues were used by the Russian government in the draft budgets of 2001-2003.

1994. Harshly criticizes the war in Chechnya. Together with his Yabloko colleagues, he travels to Grozny to negotiate with Dzhokhar Dudayev, offering himself as a hostage in exchange for captured Russian military personnel, whom the country's leadership abandoned. The result was the release of half of those captured and the return of the bodies of killed soldiers. IN 1999 - Yabloko opposed the start of the second Chechen campaign using bomber aircraft.

1996. Participates in the presidential elections as a “third force” - an alternative to Boris Yeltsin and communist Gennady Zyuganov. Ranked fourth.

1998. In the midst of an acute crisis in the country and the conflict between President Yeltsin and the State Duma, he proposes a compromise figure for the post of prime minister - Yevgeny Primakov.

1999. Together with the Yabloko faction in the State Duma, he votes for the impeachment of President Yeltsin.

2000. Participates in presidential elections. The election campaign was held under the slogan “For Russia without dictators and oligarchs.” During the campaign, he spoke about the risk of creating a harsh regime in Russia based on the legacy left by Boris Yeltsin. Took third place.

2001. Becomes one of the leaders of the campaign in defense of the “old NTV” and freedom of speech in Russia.

2002. I went to the Theater Center on Dubrovka to negotiate with the terrorists who captured the audience of the musical “Nord-Ost”. After negotiations with Yavlinsky, the terrorists released the eight youngest children.

2003. Developed by " Road map Russian reforms" - a plan to dismantle the oligarchic system and overcome the consequences of criminal privatization. In particular, the plan envisaged the introduction of a one-time compensation tax (Windfall Tax) on excess income received as a result of loans-for-shares auctions.

WITH 2005 g. - Professor at the National Research University " High school economy" (Moscow). Defended at the Central Institute of Economics and Mathematics Russian Academy Sciences dissertation for the scientific degree of Doctor of Economic Sciences.

2009. At the time of the next economic crisis, he proposes the “Houses - Land - Roads” strategy, which involves the free transfer of land to citizens for the construction of their own houses and the obligation of the state to provide this housing with infrastructure.

2011-2012. The Yabloko party participated in all major protests that took place in the country after large-scale fraud in the State Duma elections. Yavlinsky became the only leader of the protest movement to nominate his candidacy for the presidential elections in 2012. He was not registered for political reasons.

2011-2016. Deputy, head of the Yabloko faction in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. Prepared the conceptual strategy for “Greater Petersburg. XXI century”, which combines economic, spatial and temporal approaches to the development of the agglomeration of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad region.

2014. Opposes the annexation of Crimea and the war in Donbass. Offered to hold International conference on the peaceful resolution of the Russian-Ukrainian crisis. During the 2018 presidential election campaign, he presented a plan to resolve the situation in eastern Ukraine.

2017. Elected honorary vice-president of the Liberal International - political organization, uniting liberal parties around the world.

2018. Participates in the Russian presidential elections. He advocated curtailing military adventures (Syria, Ukraine) and channeling resources into the country’s economy and social sphere, resolving the Crimea problem and normalizing relations with Europe and the world. He demanded federalization of the budget and the return of direct elections of governors and mayors. He insisted on creating a broad middle class (the “Houses - Land - Roads” program, personal savings accounts, abolition of taxes for the poorest segments of the population, etc.).

After the elections, he announced the need to form a truly mass civil party on the basis of Yabloko, which, in the conditions of an impending internal political crisis and the transition of power, will be able to keep the country from disaster and set a positive direction for the development of the state.

Married, two adult sons, the eldest graduated from the Faculty of Physics of Moscow State University. Lomonosov, journalist; junior - programmer, research engineer in the field of big data processing, Ph.D.

You can read the extended biography of Grigory Yavlinsky

Russian politician, economist Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in the city of Lvov (Ukraine). In his youth, he was actively involved in sports, twice becoming the champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors.

In high school, Grigory Yavlinsky studied at an evening school for working youth and worked at the same time: at first he did not for a long time at the Lviv Post Office as a forwarder, then at a leather goods factory, in 1968-1969 - as an electrician at the Lviv glass company "Rainbow".

In 1969 he entered the Moscow Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov, who graduated in 1973 with a degree in economics. In 1976 he completed his postgraduate studies at this institute.

In 1976-1980 he worked at the All-Union Scientific Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (VNII Coal): in 1976-1977 - senior engineer, from 1977 to 1980 - senior researcher.

In 1980-1984, Yavlinsky was the head of the heavy industry sector of the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and Social Issues (Goskomtrud).

From 1984 to 1989 - deputy head of the consolidated department, head of the department of social development and population of the State Committee for Labor.

In 1989, he moved to the apparatus of the Council of Ministers of the USSR to the position of head of the consolidated economic department.

In July-August 1989, Yavlinsky led a group of economists who developed the “400 days of trust” program for radical economic reforms in the USSR.

In July 1990, he was approved as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, Chairman of the State Commission of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR on economic reform. Based on the “400 days”, he developed the concept and program of economic reforms “500 days”.

In October 1990, Yavlinsky resigned due to the fact that the implementation of the “500” days program, approved by the Supreme Council of the RSFSR and the Supreme Councils of the union republics, was delayed.

Yavlinsky is the author of many books, scientific works and articles, including “Lessons of Economic Reform” (1993), “Russian Economy: Legacy and Opportunities” (1995), “Crisis in Russia: the end of the system? The beginning of the path?” (1998), "Demodernization". (2002), “Peripheral capitalism” (2003), “Prospects for Russia” (2006), “Twenty years of reforms - interim results? Russian society as a process" (co-authored, 2011).

Grigory Yavlinsky is the winner of several awards, including the prize of the Czech public Liberal Institute "For his contribution to the development of liberal thinking and the implementation of the ideas of freedom, private property, competition and the rule of law" (2000), "For Freedom" (2004).

Yavlinsky is married and has two sons. His wife, Elena Yavlinskaya, is an engineer-economist by training, previously worked at the Giprouglemash Research Institute, and has been a housewife since 1996. The Yavlinskys' eldest son, Mikhail (born in 1971), graduated from the physics department of Moscow State University and works as a journalist. Younger son Alexey (born in 1981) works as a research engineer creating computer systems.

The material was prepared based on information from open sources

From the very beginning

Born April 10, 1952 in Lvov (Ukraine), Russian. Father Alexey Grigorievich was a pupil of the Makarenko colony, a participant in the war (he began his service as a private and graduated as a battery commander). After the end of the war, he returned to the same Lvov colony, where he worked for the rest of his life as a teacher. (According to other sources, the father was an officer of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the head of a children's reception center). He died in 1981. Mother Vera Noevna, a teacher by training, taught chemistry at the Lviv Forestry Institute. She died on December 31, 1997.

Until grade 9, Yavlinsky studied at elite secondary school No. 4 with an in-depth English language course. […]. Best of luck Yavlinsky achieved success in studying the English language, which was largely facilitated by his fanatical worship of the work of the English group The Beatles, which has survived to this day. Even then, under the influence of an alien culture, the cosmopolitanism of the future Russian politician began to take shape. Imitating the youth of the West, Grisha Yavlinsky demonstratively let his hair grow long at school. According to his own recollections, his hairstyle was so provocative that in 1964 he was caught by people's vigilantes and shaved off his head.

Another hobby of Yavlinsky in his youth was boxing. His highest achievement was the victory at the All-Ukrainian youth competitions in 1968 in the second welterweight division. Boxing helped Grigory lead a group of teenagers, with whom he participated in street fights and had several arrests with the police. I had to give up boxing when my coach demanded that I give up everything else for the sake of the sport. The young man, who first dreamed of becoming a policeman, then a teacher and, finally, an economist, could not make such a sacrifice. It was since then that Yavlinsky, when talking with an interlocutor, drops his head to the side, which, according to medical specialists, may indicate a traumatic brain injury.

In the 9th grade, Grigory moved to evening school, “in order to get rid of “extra” subjects,” to earn work experience that would make it easier to move to Moscow and enter some prestigious institute. He combined his studies with work. In 1968-1969, Yavlinsky worked as a forwarder for the Lvov Post Office, then as an apprentice electrician and as an instrument technician at the Raduga glass company.

In 1969, Yavlinsky entered the Moscow Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov to the Faculty of General Economics and moved to Moscow. On the first entrance exam, he received a C, but then he pulled himself together and passed the rest with A's, gaining a passing grade.

After graduating from the institute until 1976, Grigory Yavlinsky studied at the graduate school of the Ministry of Natural Sciences. Among his teachers was academician Leonid Abalkin. PhD thesis on the topic “Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry” defended for the title of Candidate of Economic Sciences in 1978.

From 1976 to 1977 he worked as a senior engineer at the All-Union Scientific Research Institute of Coal Industry Management.

From 1977 to 1980, he was a senior researcher there.

From 1980 to 1984 - head of the sector of the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and Social Issues (Goskomtrud). Since 1984 - deputy head of department and head of the State Committee for Labor.

In 1984-1985, Yavlinsky was subjected to forced treatment. He himself explains this fact by persecution by the “authorities” for his work “Problems of Improving the Economic Mechanism in the USSR,” in which he predicted the onset of an economic crisis. The text and drafts of the book were confiscated from Yavlinsky and he was summoned several times for an interview in a special department. Further, according to Yavlinsky, in a special medical institution they tried to infect him with “tuberculosis” and then remove his lung. He was discharged from the hospital with a diagnosis of “perfectly healthy” after Mikhail Gorbachev came to power. […]

(The author of the dossier further expresses his doubts about the credibility of this “tuberculosis story” and writes, referring to “information from one of the sources that Yavlinsky allegedly spent this time in a psychiatric hospital. Indeed, the story with “tuberculosis for dissent” looks strange: as is known , dissidents in Soviet times were usually sent to psychiatric rather than tuberculosis clinics. By the way, among the members of the Yabloko faction there are such “victims of Soviet punitive psychiatry,” as they were called at that time “enemy voices.” Perhaps this is where the rumor originated about Yavlinsky's stay in a "psychiatric hospital". Grigory Yavlinsky himself categorically denies this. - APN note).

In 1986, Yavlinsky and his colleagues wrote their draft law on a state enterprise, but it was rejected by Nikolai Talyzin and Heydar Aliyev, who led the preparation of the law, as too liberal.

In the summer of 1989, Abalkin, having become deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, invited Yavlinsky to the position of head of the department and at the same time secretary of the State Commission of the USSR Council of Ministers for Economic Reform (“Abalkin Commission”).

In the spring of 1990, Yavlinsky, together with young economists Alexei Mikhailov and Mikhail Zadornov, wrote a project for reforming the economy by transferring it to a market economy called “400 days.” […]

Yeltsin proposed the idea of ​​this program (now called “500 days”) to Gorbachev for joint implementation. On their initiative, at the end of July 1990, a working group was created under the leadership of Academician Stanislav Shatalin. She had to develop a unified union program for the transition to market economy based on "500 days". Nikolai Petrakov was appointed Shatalin's deputy, and Yavlinsky was the main author of the program.

The program met resistance from the USSR Council of Ministers, headed by Nikolai Ryzhkov. In October 1990, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR practically rejected it. A key role in the non-acceptance of “500 days” was played by the change in position of Mikhail Gorbachev, who stopped supporting the program. In the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Gorbachev advocated combining the Yavlinsky-Shatalin programs and the alternative Abalkin-Ryzhkov program, which, in the opinion of both sides, was impossible.

On October 17, 1990, Yavlinsky resigned from the post of Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Russia. Subsequently, he emphasized that the implementation of the “500 days” would make it possible to preserve union state. In January 1991, he was appointed economic adviser to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Russia. He worked on a voluntary basis.

On August 28, 1991, he became Ivan Silaev’s deputy as chairman of the Committee for the Operational Management of the National Economy of the USSR, responsible for economic reform.

From October to December 1991 he was a member of the Political Advisory Committee under the President of the USSR. He was also a member of the working group for the preparation of the Treaty on economic cooperation between the republics of the USSR. He sharply criticized the Russian government's disavowal of the signature of the Minister of Economy of the RSFSR, Yevgeny Saburov, under the agreement on the Interstate Economic Community.

From June 1 to September 1, 1992, Yavlinsky's EPI-Center, under an agreement with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, worked out a regional reform program. The main measures to stabilize the economy were the issue of regional loan bonds, which was supposed to solve the problem of lack of cash, the release of producers from non-production expenses, as well as the introduction of the information system “Operational tracking of social indicators”.

Yavlinsky believes that as a result of three months of work, he was able to create the basis for the formation of a market infrastructure and make a number of proposals regarding the “new federalism” in Russia (“to look for solutions not from the top down, but from the bottom up.”) The results of the experiment are described in the published "EPI-Center" book "Nizhny Novgorod Prologue" (1993).

Yavlinsky hoped to apply his Nizhny Novgorod experience in Novosibirsk, where in October 1992 he became an economic consultant to the regional administration, and St. Petersburg, where Mayor Anatoly Sobchak invited him to develop an urban privatization model.

In October 1993, he created his own electoral association "Yavlinsky-Boldyrev-Lukin Bloc", which included the Russian Ambassador to the United States Vladimir Lukin, the former head of the Control Directorate of the Presidential Administration of Russia Yuri Boldyrev, Nikolai Petrakov, representatives of the Republican Party of the Russian Federation RPRF, the Social Democratic the party of the Russian Federation SDPR, the party of the Russian Christian Democratic Union, New Democracy RHDS-ND, some other organizations, many employees of the EPI-Center.

On December 12, 1993 he was elected deputy State Duma according to the block list. Chairman of the Yabloko faction and member of the Duma Council.

In the 1995 State Duma elections, he topped the list of the Yabloko electoral association, which received 4th place (6.89%).

On February 9, 1996, the Central Election Commission registered authorized representatives of the Yabloko Association, which nominated Yavlinsky for President of the Russian Federation. In the first round presidential elections On June 16, 1996, Yavlinsky received 5,550,710 votes, or 7.41% (fourth place). On the eve of the second round, he called not to vote for Zyuganov, but did not make a direct recommendation to his supporters to vote for Yeltsin - which the Yeltsinists expected and demanded of him.

Political orientations and connections

One of the main financial structures with which Yavlinsky is directly connected is the Most group and personally its head Vladimir Gusinsky. At least since 1991, when a small group of Yavlinsky created the Inter-Republican Center for Economic and Political Research (EPI-Center), material support for the latter by Gusinsky began. Direct evidence of this is the fact that EPI-Center occupied space in the Moscow City Hall building on Novy Arbat, the rent of which was paid by Most Bank.

In all election campaigns commercial structures Gusinsky were the official sponsors of Yavlinsky. Grigory is constantly promoted on television channels and in media mass media holding "Media-Most".

The key figure providing “foreign policy” support for the activities of the Most group was Sergey Aleksandrovich Zverev, who headed the Directorate for information and analytical support of the bank’s work, advertising and public relations and was the First Deputy Chairman of the Board of the Most group. Previously Zverev S.A. worked as an assistant (or press secretary) to G. Yavlinsky and maintained close partnerships with the latter. Zverev has a large number of connections among politicians, economists, employees of the Council of Ministers, the media, television, etc. Currently, having left the post of Deputy Chairman of the Board of RAO GAZPROM, he is an adviser to Primakov (in the group of T. Kolesnichenko).

Based on the above, it is clear that Yavlinsky cannot afford to make any critical remarks about Moscow Mayor Luzhkov, who has traditionally been closely associated with the Most group. The privatization program for Moscow was written by Yavlinsky, he presented it. It is also interesting that despite the desire of party members to take part in the elections for the Moscow mayor, Yabloko never nominated anyone.

Grigory Yavlinsky has an extremely negative attitude towards Gaidar. At one time, he, who was already in charge of the social development department of the State Committee for Labor with the rank of a “rising star” under the government of Nikolai Ryzhkov, was assigned to write a joint report with an economist from Gorbachev’s magazine “Communist” Gaidar, where they, in fact, met. Yegor Timurovich was close to Mikhail Sergeevich, but for some reason he did not introduce his comrade-in-arms and like-minded person to the General Secretary, although Yavlinsky asked for it. Subsequently, their relationship became even more complicated when, a year later, with Abalkin’s entry into the government, the career of a candidate of sciences, according to Gaidar, “suffering from obvious flaws in his economic education,” took off, and Yavlinsky headed the consolidated department of the commission on economic reform. And Gaidar was only transferred to Pravda.

One of the experts believes that Yavlinsky’s attitude towards Anatoly Chubais is extremely negative, if only because Chubais worked in the “party in power”, and Yavlinsky in the democratic opposition. Since Chubais has long been the most talented person in the “party in power”, this causes Yavlinsky great irritation. And although he did not allow himself personal attacks on Chubais, he actually constantly put a spoke in his wheels in parliamentary debates on the budget and the Tax Code.

Another former assistant to Grigory Alekseevich, M. Kozhokin, now editor-in-chief of the Izvestia newspaper, was a member of the management of ONEXIMbank. His brother E. Kozhokin - Chairman of the Commission on Defense and Security of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR during the time of M. Gorbachev, and now director Russian Institute strategic research.

The nominee of the Yabloko party is the head of the Duma staff, Nikolai Troshkin, who presented the Yabloko leader with a saber on his 45th birthday on behalf of the Duma.

Those who especially love Yavlinsky are foreigners, and he loves them too. Thus, speaking in Washington, at a conference of administrators and lobbyists of RS-RFE (Radio Liberty), after a story about how his grandfather and father listened to “Svoboda,” he stunned those gathered by declaring: “Now the level of lies in Russia is incredibly high , and the role of Radio Liberty is therefore more significant than ever before." For such kind words, the director of the Moscow editorial office, Savik Shuster, turned Svoboda into the propaganda organ of Grigory Yavlinsky.

But Grigory is not only friends with Americans. He developed warm relations with Japan. Back in 1991, G. Yavlinsky clearly stated in Tokyo: “The four islands - Shikotan, Habomai, Iturup and Kunashir must be returned to Japan.” After this, Japan for a long time promoted Yavlinsky in every possible way as the main candidate for the post of Russian president.

The Yabloko movement has a number of its own publications. The newspaper of the Yabloko Association is called “Yabloko Rossii”. Published once a week with a circulation of 30 thousand copies. There are also regional newspapers: in Murmansk - "Otkrytaya Gazeta", in Belgorod - "Apple Orchard", in Chelyabinsk - "Yablochko". Plus, Yabloko publishes a library - a series of brochures on the most different problems Russian life. Unlike the LDPR, Yabloko works specifically for its supporters. There are no subscribers as such at all.

500 days of Yavlinsky

The “Abalkin Commission” became a launching pad for Grigory Alekseevich into big politics. Within the framework of this “commission”, Yavlinsky, for the first time in his life, independently prepared a draft of economic reforms of the USSR. Before this, the most serious theoretical work of the economist was “Qualification reference book for positions of employees of the coal industry for mines and open-pit mines” (1977). Yavlinsky's economic reform project was rejected by the "Abalkin commission" due to the incompetence of the author.

A year before this epoch-making event, Yavlinsky met Gaidar. The first was assigned to write a report for Ryzhkov, and the second was working at that time in Gorbachev’s magazine “Communist” and was supposed to help Grigory Alekseevich. Yavlinsky himself chose Gaidar as his assistant, since he was well-liked by Mikhail Sergeevich. However, Gaidar refused to introduce Yavlinsky to the Secretary General. And they went their separate ways: Yavlinsky - to the “Abalkin commission”, Gaidar - to the newspaper Pravda.

The offended Yegor Timurovich then stated that Grigory Alekseevich “suffers from obvious flaws in his economic education.” Gaidar, oddly enough, told the truth (maybe the only time in his life - "!").

Yavlinsky’s economic illiteracy would later become obvious to many, while working on the “500 Days” program. Yavlinsky’s co-authors on the program, Zadornov and Mikhailov, laughed among themselves at the fact that Grigory Alekseevich always had economics textbooks with bookmarks on various pages on his desk.

To Yavlinsky’s credit, it must be admitted that he himself perfectly understood this shortcoming of his. Yavlinsky copied his project of economic reforms, rejected by the “Abalkin commission,” from a book on the Japanese experience of economic reform.

On the eve of Grigory Alekseevich’s failed attempt to become the father of Russian reforms, another key event for Yavlinsky’s career took place. Two young economists, Mikhail Zadornov and Alexei Mikhailov, wrote devastating comments on the USSR state budget for 1989. They conveyed their comments to Ryzhkov through the Chairman of the Supreme Council, Mikhail Bocharov.

Ryzhkov read the paper and put it under the cloth, and Bocharov “received” the Butek concern for silence. It must be said here that Zadornov, before he was politically annulled, was considered an excellent macroeconomist. Future head World Bank James Wolfensohn called Zadornov nothing less than the future Minister of Finance.

The offended Yavlinsky became friends with the offended Mikhailov and Zadornov. The three of them combined their developments in a month and a half through simple compilation. This is how the 400 Days program was born. The authors repeated the previous mistake - they gave “400 days” to Mikhail Bocharov, who read it at the Supreme Council as his own.

This is where Yavlinsky really showed his fighting qualities. Bocharov was forced to admit that he was not the author of the “400 days” program. It is difficult to say how this scandalous story would have ended (most likely, nothing. - "!"), if not for the Novo-Ogarevsky trial.

It was simply impossible to abolish the CPSU Central Committee. Yeltsin needed to tear Gorbachev away from the Politburo and win over the Republican barons to his side. To do this, it was necessary to seize ideological leadership in reforms.

Immediately after the scandal with Bocharov, Yeltsin met with Yavlinsky. A government decision was made to develop the “500 days” program. Yavlinsky was appointed deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR and chairman of the State Commission for Economic Reform. Abalkin and Pavlov developed an alternative union program.

The “500 days” program was written in 27 days. In addition to Yavlinsky, Zadornov and Mikhailov, the development group included Yasin, Aven, Fedorov and others. We wrote the program while sitting in Arkhangelskoye. According to the recollections of the participants, laughter and jokes reigned in Arkhangelskoye all this time. None of the authors of the program believed in the seriousness of their work. Nobody except Yavlinsky.

When the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, at the suggestion of Gorbachev, rejected the “500 days”, Yeltsin announced that Russia would implement the program alone, without the union republics. Which, in fact, was what was required. The Moor has done his job, the Moor can leave.

In October 1990, Yavlinsky resigned from his post as deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR. A month later, Grigory Alekseevich created and headed the first non-profit organization- Center for Economic and Political Research ("EPI-Center")

At first, the EPI Center was located in the White House, and a year later it moved to the city hall building. From that moment on, a long cooperation “with interest” began between Yavlinsky and Gusinsky. And Yavlinsky’s press secretary Sergei Zverev, who never hid that his dream was a large office and a car with a driver, headed the Directorate for Information and Analytical Support of the work of MOST Bank.

After the Council of Ministers and the noise around the “500 days” program, Yavlinsky fell ill with “power” and “fame.” The “400 days” and “500 days” programs posted on the website today have been modified to suit the moment. In particular, the authors were removed from the covers of the programs and hidden at the end of the text. Everyone knows that these programs were developed by Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky.

Family, hobbies

He met his wife Elena while studying at the institute. After graduating from university, my wife worked at the Giprouglemash Research Institute. When her sons were born, she began raising them. The eldest son Mikhail recently graduated from the physics department of Moscow State University. But he doesn’t work in his specialty - he went into journalism, collaborates freelance with various publications, and composes music. The youngest son Alexey (born 81) graduated from a prestigious Moscow school-gymnasium on Kutuzovsky Prospekt.

Yavlinsky spends most of his free time from politics with his family. His hobby is "socializing with friends." (“At parties he usually talked about the combination of production factors,” recalls his institute friend).

Yavlinsky loves the prose of Andrei Bitov, and prefers Tarkovsky in cinema.
According to his colleagues, the leader of Yabloko is a great master of the speech genre and knows a lot of jokes. Sometimes he is called “Zhirinovsky for the intelligentsia.”

According to Yavlinsky himself, he does not pay special attention to his appearance. He buys clothes wherever he can. Loves whiskey. […]

But according to experts, Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky cares about his appearance. Before the television broadcast, his assistants find out whether the film crew has a good make-up artist and what kind of lighting is in the studio. For example, on Vladimir Pozner’s program “Times” there is very bright cold light. And if you miss the mark with makeup, a studio guest can look like a dead man.

They say that when they apply makeup to him, he always asks to “remove” the blue under his eyes. Make-up artists are more concerned about his eye bags, which are more difficult to hide. Once Yavlinsky was even advised to resort to a lift. We cannot say that the leader of Yabloko followed the advice, but in his election photographs two years ago the bags became much smaller. And in Lately increased again.

Boxer Yavlinsky: cases of use of force

Grigory Yavlinsky periodically demonstratively recalls his boxing past in political debates. He likes to demonstrate his knowledge of prison jargon in a narrow circle and flaunts it. Only two cases are more or less accurately known when Grigory Alekseevich managed to show off his fighting qualities.

Grigory Yavlinsky himself told his colleagues about the first case when drawing up the “500 days” program. In 1990, for the right to compose economic program for Gorbachev the groups of Ryzhkov-Abalkin and Shatalin-Yavlinsky competed (on the Yabloko website - Yavlinsky-Shatalin - "!").

During one of the meetings, according to Grigory Alekseevich, Finance Minister Pavlov approached him and advised him not to go ahead with the “500 days” program. To this, Yavlinsky replied that he was a boxer and hit Pavlov in the liver. After which the latter staggered and fell onto the closet.

The second incident occurred in front of many witnesses. When leaving the entrance to the White House, Grigory Alekseevich approached one of the demonstrators who periodically stand there, holding an anti-Semitic slogan in his hands. Coming close, Yavlinsky said loudly: “I’ll punch you in the face,” and began to glare at the demonstrator.

Grigory Alekseevich, I must say, looked very menacing. A policeman was forced to jump out of the checkpoint and take Yavlinsky aside in order to avoid a massacre.

Berezovsky and Abramovich bought Yavlinsky with Yabloko

On January 22, 2000, after the victory of Unity in the Duma elections, Boris Berezovsky, in the author’s program of Sergei Dorenko, mocked his political opponents. Everyone got it. But he especially singled out Grigory Yavlinsky.

On the air, Berezovsky literally said the following: “On the eve of the vote in the Duma on the impeachment of Yeltsin, Yavlinsky ran to the Kremlin asking how to vote for Yabloko.” Later, on the sidelines, Boris Abramovich boasted that he and Abramovich bought Yavlinsky for $5 million, so that he does not withdraw his candidacy from the presidential elections.

On January 31, US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright arrived in Moscow. The next day she met with Primakov and Yavlinsky, and only a day later with Putin.

The purpose of Madeleine Albright's unexpected visit to Moscow is to persuade Yavlinsky and Primakov to withdraw their candidacies from the presidential elections, leaving Putin alone with Zyuganov and thereby jeopardizing the elections. On February 4, Primakov withdrew his candidacy, but Yavlinsky did not.

The Yabloko party and Yavlinsky live on the money of the “killers”
History with Legkprombank

The notorious Legprombank generously financed a number of dubious election campaigns. By different estimates, in one presidential campaign of G. Yavlinsky alone, Legprombank invested up to 20 million dollars, which, according to the Central Bank of the Russian Federation, is “a deal that has no obvious economic sense.”

Even the FSB of Russia began an in-depth study of the activities of the owners commercial bank"Legprombank"

The reason for the investigation was an incident that occurred in early April 2001 in Tula. As reported, a group of people close to the candidate for the post of governor of the Tula region, Andrei Samoshin, broke into the building of the regional election commission and almost caused a pogrom there. As it turned out, among the exalted supporters of Samoshin were the owners of Legprombank Andrei Drobinin, Evgeniy Yankovsky and Alexander Dunaev. A criminal case has been opened regarding obstruction of the work of the election commission, which is under the jurisdiction of the FSB of the Russian Federation.

Evidence of Yavlinsky’s connection with Legprombank is the campaign headquarters of the Yabloko leader, located in the same 2001 in the Legprombank building on Zubovsky Boulevard in Moscow. According to the source, along with Drobinin, Yankovsky and Dunaev who “checked in” in Tula, the co-owners of the bank are structures close to the former Deputy Minister of the Russian Federation for Atomic Energy Alexander Belosokhov, who died under unclear circumstances in early 2000. The bank’s partners also include former USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev.

In 2001, Grigory Yavlinsky could become a witness in the murder of Sergei Balashov, deputy prefect Western District Moscow.

The subject of the investigation was the conflict surrounding the outstanding debt of the commercial bank Suprimex, which went bankrupt in 1997, to the prefecture of the company. It cannot be ruled out that it was the attempt to settle the old debt that could cost Balashov his life. At the same time, as it became known, businessman Andrei Drobinin, who previously controlled the Suprimex bank, back in 1999 became not only the main financial manager of Yabloko, but also the de facto leader of Grigory Yavlinsky’s presidential campaign. The investigation is studying the version that funds from clients of Suprimex and Legprombank - another financial institution controlled by Drobinin - are the basis for the stability and well-being of Yabloko today.

Information about connections is also in the field of view of the investigative authorities former owners Suprimex Bank and the current shareholders of Legprombank with the Solntsevo and Kazan financial and industrial groups.

A little about Drobinin (the man on whose money Yavlinsky and his party live)

The elimination mechanism was simple, like all ingenious things. First, the “killer” takes control of the majority of financial flows and pushes the majority of shareholders away from real management. Then some friendly or partner structure pumps a substantial amount of money into the bank as a loan and, as it were, puts it on a financial needle. After which the money is suddenly withdrawn, the bank is unable to pay its obligations and is declared bankrupt. However, before this, the “killer” and his cover group manage to withdraw most of his assets. According to the statements of the lawyers of the current shareholders of Legprombank to the prosecutor's office, in the case of Suprimex Bank, the main assets were formed at the expense of the ASKO insurance company acquired on the occasion. After the accumulation of funds in the bank's accounts, they disappear, external management is introduced at Suprimex, and Mr. Drobinin with a light heart moves to the RossIta bank, whose main client was the Department for Services to the Diplomatic Corps (UDC). "RossIta" soon repeated the fate of "Suprimex-Bank", the fate of the UPDC money - and this is 800 million rubles - is still unknown.

It is clear that with all the genius of Mr. Drobinin, he still could not cope alone. As for assistants in these operations, there are different opinions. Lawyers for Legprombank shareholders Zinoviev and Kireev, as well as largest shareholder bank Evgeniy Yankovsky in his statements claim that Kazan brothers helped him gain positions in banks, he also had good connections in law enforcement agencies, and hint at a mutually beneficial partnership with officials of the Central Bank, in particular, its territorial department for Moscow. Thus, in their appeal to the State Duma, members of the board of directors of Legprombank report that last year, as a result of his hectic activities, Drobinin came into conflict with the general director of the ASKO insurance company, Sergei Pakhomov. The outcome was unexpected: one fine day Pakhomov was detained by TsRUBOP officers led by a certain Colonel Ignatov and they found a pistol in his possession. It is curious that the pistol was without a clip, but with a cartridge in the chamber. Nevertheless, a criminal case was opened, and the detainee would have had a bad time if Ignatov and his comrades had not soon been caught in a similar “special operation”, and the Moscow prosecutor’s office opened criminal case # 23507 against them. As the investigation progressed, Drobinin’s role in the action against Pakhomov became clear, but nothing serious consequences for our hero it did not matter.

The behavior looks even stranger law enforcement in the investigation of the attack on the building of the Tula regional administration during election campaign. This action, rare in impudence, was broadcast throughout the country. According to the online publication APN. ru, strong young people who arrived in a caravan of foreign cars from the capital, declaring themselves supporters of the gubernatorial candidate Samoshin, broke into the regional administration building and launched a psychic attack on the election commission. Among the attackers was the aforementioned Farid Valeev. A criminal case under Article 141 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation was initiated by the FSB, and during the course of the investigation the figure of our hero resurfaced. But he turned out to be too tough for the security officers...

The Yabloko party seized Shevardnadze's dacha to prevent the arrest of its occupant

38-year-old State Duma deputy, member of the Yabloko faction Alexei Melnikov became the owner of the most exotic public reception in the history of Russian parliamentarism. As a reception room, the deputy uses the state residence “Kalchuga-2” (Rublevo-Uspenskoe highway, Odintsovo district, Moscow region), where USSR Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze once lived and worked. A source in the Russian special services reported this to APN.

The scale of Alexei Melnikov’s parliamentary activity is capable of amaze even the most sophisticated imagination. The public reception of the prominent Yabloko member is spread over an area of ​​8 hectares and consists of a main building with an area of ​​1,862 square meters. m., as well as three auxiliary buildings with an area of ​​more than 400 sq.m. each. To meet Melnikov's primary needs, the public reception area features, in particular, a swimming pool, a greenhouse and a garage for 8 cars. Apparently, the former senior researcher at the legendary Epicenter Melnikov, who is considered one of the closest associates of Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky, decided to organize a stream reception of the cream of his electorate - the oligarchs and other residents of Rublyovka who are hungry for the most honest politics.

However, according to the source, Melnikov’s public reception is used by only one voter, namely the sponsor of Yabloko, the actual owner of CB Legprombank Andrei Drobinin, about whose exploits APN has repeatedly told readers. In the Kalchuga-2 residence, which is considered inviolable parliamentary territory, Drobinin, noted for involvement in many violations of the law, is hiding from interrogations, arrests and searches. As recently as the end of September, representatives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs wanted to search Drobinin’s home - and were faced with insurmountable resistance from Yabloko and federal law"About inviolability."

Another public reception of Alexei Melnikov is located in the main building of Legprombank on Zubovsky Boulevard. There are also the inviolable offices of deputies - members of the Generation of Freedom movement: Andrei Vulf, Vladimir Semenov and Vladimir Koptev-Dvornikov. According to the APN source, all these people's representatives actually work as custodians of secret documents of their sponsor and his authoritative partner, the famous businessman Umar Dzhabrailov.

Joint work in the interests of Andrei Drobinin has united Yabloko and Generation Freedom so much that in the near future there may be talk of uniting these two political structures. To the conscience of the nation, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky Once again was not offended by APN and did not complain that he was slandered, we publish rare documents that shed light on the activities of Yabloko in harboring persons with a specific reputation.

We cannot yet say that non-political orgies with the personal participation of Grigory Yavlinsky are organized from time to time at the Kalchuga-2 residence. But there are such suspicions.

How Yavlinsky and Yabloko sheltered Drobinin from justice can be understood from these

Yavlinsky was registered at a psychoneurological dispensary

The leader of the Yabloko party, Grigory Yavlinsky, was registered at a psychoneurological dispensary for a number of years. This was reported by a source in the apparatus of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation.

According to the source, doubts about the mental health of the future candidate for the presidency of Russia arose among doctors in those years when Yavlinsky was actively involved in boxing. Certain features of the young boxer’s difficult character were already evident then. How and how (or whether) the treatment of the outstanding public figure ended has not yet been reported.

Lately, Yavlinsky has given up alcohol and switched to “boys”

Yavlinsky Grisha hit the mark. After all, in our country, Vanya, the most important thing is to get somewhere. If you hit it, you won't fall out again. In addition, the Tsar agents, of course, were aware of Grisha’s penchant for drinking. And this, Vanya, is the most important criterion for being “chosen” for the role of the destroyer of Russia. Those who have these kinds of weaknesses are very easy to control. Yeltsin was also a chronic drunk. He even had a nickname in the Urals - “double-barreled gun”. What it is? The man takes two bottles of vodka in both hands, brings them to his mouth and drinks from the throat from these two “trunks”. Can you imagine how “hardened” you need to be? This is not bullshit for you. This requires training and a special predisposition to vodka. It’s just that not everyone can do such a “double-barreled shotgun” out of the blue. I think so, out of 100 drunks - one or two, no more.

Grigory Alekseevich could not shoot from a double-barreled gun. But he could easily binge drink for a week or two. And then, my brothers, do whatever you want with the “promising” one. Later, already in the Duma, Grisha could show up at two or three o'clock in the morning at entrance number 3 in Okhotny Ryad, and not alone, but with two or three young ladies, and be indignant to the point of massacre, why is it him, the leader of Russian democracy, some The lousy ensign won't let you into his own office. It is not for nothing that they say that the most fertile material for intelligence services around the world is homosexuals, lesbians and alcoholics.

Evil tongues say that recently Grisha has given up alcohol and switched to “boys.” I cannot vouch for the accuracy of the information. I'm selling it for what I bought it for."

Yavlinsky campaigns for Maskhadov

On February 12, 2000, Grigory Yavlinsky gave an interview to the program of Sergei Dorenko, represented by Mr. Dorenko. Among other things he said.

Yavlinsky: “I thank you for your question about the developments in Chechnya. I believe that a completely critical moment is approaching in Chechnya again, and I would like to tell you that large group people has prepared a detailed plan for resolving the situation in Chechnya. And I hope to convey this plan in the very near future, explaining it in detail, to the acting. president. I think it's just as, if not more, important now than ever before."

Here, of course, a question arose: if we are talking about a settlement, then this is clearly not about shooting. And about the fact that you need to negotiate with someone. That is, that we should move from war to the destruction of specific militants, not touch the residents and negotiate with someone. That is, the first thing we need to do is find negotiators on the other side. That is, Yavlinsky has them in mind.

In general, Yavlinsky has a very strange PR. Having even quite logical constructions in mind, as a first step towards their publication, he gives out such voiceover that everyone immediately begins to be perplexed, after which they immediately roll out the idea on logs. Usually - to such an extent that further attempts by Yabloko to talk about the idea in all its logical consistency and even pragmatism lead absolutely nowhere.

So, in connection with the idea of ​​political steps in Chechnya, the reaction of society was not slow to arise. What a society! Even Maxim Yuryevich Sokolov reacted to this idea, revealing in Izvestia on February 19 a complete masterpiece of his genre.

"... Much more respect is evoked by the determination with which G. A. Yavlinsky cut the Gordian knot, which causes such trouble for supporters of peace at any cost. The call to start negotiations always runs into the objection that the negotiating partner must be: a) negotiable ; b) those with real power. And where can we get something like that? From now on, the torment of the pacifists has come to an end, because to the modest objection of the Spanish: “They say that there is no one to negotiate with,” G. A. Yavlinsky gave a brilliant answer: “I know with by whom".

Most likely, the famous economist established direct contact with the “hidden imam”, who, according to Muslim doctrine, will appear on the eve of the Last Judgment and will be a person both very powerful and (by assumption) capable of negotiations. Skeptics may note that it is not clear whether the imam will want to negotiate with G.A. Yavlinsky. They do not take into account the mystical personality traits of the negotiator himself, who indicated: “If it is necessary for Yabloko to become the conscience of Russia, it will be it.”

Until now, it was believed that the desire of any subject to become a national conscience is not yet a sufficient basis for the one who wishes to become a conscience to immediately become one - special gifts of grace are needed, depending not on the will of the subject-applicant, but exclusively on the source of grace . Judging by the indestructible confidence of G.A. Yavlinsky that there will be no problems with grace, the messiah, the Son of the Living God, has descended on our sinful earth - and shouldn’t the messiah agree with the hidden imam on all the issues to be resolved?

Yavlinsky began to explain his idea, despite M.Yu. Sokolov. Here are excerpts regarding Chechnya from his interview with the Vesti program (February 19, 2000).

News: Grigory Alekseevich, one more question. On a completely different topic - Chechnya. You have repeatedly said that it is simply impossible to maintain peace in this republic only on the bayonets of our soldiers. The question is about a leader on whom the federal center could rely. Now several names have appeared at once: Gantamirov, Saidullaev, Kadyrov. Which of them, in your opinion, is the optimal figure?

G.Ya. Today (2000) the situation in Chechnya is such that it is possible to begin negotiations with everyone who recognizes the integrity of Russia and recognizes Chechnya as part of Russia.

Vesti: Sorry...

G.Ya. And the wider the circle at the beginning of negotiations, the more accurate the decisions will be.

Vesti: Grigory Alekseevich, could you still decipher your words? Who are you talking about when you call “everyone who is ready to recognize Russia”? Is Aslan Maskhadov included in this list?

G.Ya. I'll decipher it now. All the names you mentioned, if these people are ready to recognize Chechnya as part of Russia, and the integrity of the Russian Federation, and its Constitution, can be partners in negotiations.

Vesti: Well, Gantamirov, Kadyrov and Saidullaev, in fact, never refuted this. There is, as they say, the opposite side - these are Maskhadov and the field commanders, about whom you have never spoken. But you spoke about Maskhadov as a possible potential partner in the negotiations.

G.Ya. Yes, I'm ready to do it again.

Vesti: Do you consider him as such at the moment?

G.Ya. Yes, I am ready to repeat this again - if Maskhadov is ready to admit Russian Constitution, the integrity of Russia, Chechnya as part of Russia - yes, you can negotiate with him.

Apparently, M.Yu. Sokolov’s reasoning about a certain mysticism inherent in Mr. Yavlinsky is completely fair. For the reason that in response to the calls of the spirit of Maskhadov, the spirit of Maskhadov, who had been in God knows where for the last couple of months, responded. Specifically - Dmitry Volchek, Radio Liberty.

This is what Maskhadov thinks: “...If, for example, Putin had been more far-sighted, he would not have waited for this day, but, on the contrary, would have made the Russians happy that he had solved the Chechen problem; we must not kill Chechens, or “kill “They, as he says, but solve this problem, and also solve it in favor of Russia. I believe that Putin (just like Yeltsin in his time by the Grachevs) is being deceived today by the Sergeevs and Shamanovs. Again they report: “By storming took the height, hoisted the banner, one federal died." This is a deception. These Heroes of Russia will not tell you anything smart, because in the end Putin will be the switchman, at least in front of Russian mothers. The smartest thing that could be done today is - to come to some option - this is Yavlinsky’s option: the security of Russia and the right to life of the people of Chechnya."

Thus, Aslan Maskhadov supported Grigory Yavlinsky.

Yavlinsky bought his son a house in central London

The openness of English society makes it possible to find out about the state of affairs of any citizen, so the law firm CMS Cameron McKennas, at the request of correspondents of the newspaper Life, provided details regarding the property and bank accounts of the sons of Grigory Yavlinsky - approx. ed.]

The sons of Grigory Yavlinsky, Mikhail and Alexey, have been living in London for a long time. The eldest, Mikhail Smotryaev (now he bears his mother’s surname), works as a correspondent for Radio Liberty, writing articles about life in the United Kingdom. A few years ago he purchased a house in one of the most prestigious areas of London. According to information provided by the law firm CMS Cameron McKennas regarding the property and bank accounts of the sons of Grigory Yavlinsky, they turned out to be quite wealthy people; not everyone has funds in an account in one of the most reputable British banks, Barclays Bank. By the way, without a certificate of personal account status, a British resident cannot even rent an apartment on normal monthly payment terms, let alone buy a house.

What the Yavlinsky house looks like can be judged from the photograph provided by the British. This is a typical home for a wealthy European; many prominent British politicians live in similar ones. Of course, it cannot be compared with palaces Russian oligarchs and modest civil servants built in the Moscow region. The house is located in one of the most respectable areas in the southeast of the British capital. Judging by Moscow standards, this is within the Garden Ring. A similar house in London is not cheap - from 250 to 450 thousand pounds sterling, translated into dollars this is from 400 to 700 thousand dollars.

An extract from the land register confirms that Mikhail Smotryaev is the owner of a house in London on Derby Hill street in the Forest Hill area. What do you have young journalist obviously cannot have his own funds to buy real estate in central London. Another thing that raises questions is whether Grigory Alekseevich himself, like Berezovsky, was planning to leave Russia forever and settle on a quiet island far from political storms.

Sponsor accused Yavlinsky of lying
Leonid Nevzlin: “how can a serious politician count on the trust of his voters without disdaining outright lies?” (material from 2007)

I’m reading Yavlinsky’s interview. Nice interview. Efficient, principled. And there’s nothing to catch. Besides the fact of the lie:

What is your relationship now with the heirs of YUKOS, with Leonid Nevzlin?

None. I know Nevzlin, but we only had a relationship with Khodorkovsky - he supported us for a year and a half.

The fact is that the decision to support Yavlinsky was made jointly by Khodorkovsky and me.

Moreover, the efforts were distributed in such a way that it was I who was responsible for interaction with Yabloko.

Those. Yavlinsky had to communicate with both me and MBKh.

Russian politician, economist Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in the city of Lvov (Ukraine). In his youth, he was actively involved in sports, twice becoming the champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors.

In high school, Grigory Yavlinsky studied at an evening school for working youth and at the same time worked: first for a short time at the Lviv Post Office as a forwarder, then at a leather goods factory, in 1968-1969 as an electrician at the Lviv glass company "Rainbow".

In 1969 he entered the Moscow Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov, who graduated in 1973 with a degree in economics. In 1976 he completed his postgraduate studies at this institute.

In 1976-1980 he worked at the All-Union Scientific Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (VNII Coal): in 1976-1977 - senior engineer, from 1977 to 1980 - senior researcher.

In 1980-1984, Yavlinsky was the head of the heavy industry sector of the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and Social Issues (Goskomtrud).

From 1984 to 1989 - deputy head of the consolidated department, head of the department of social development and population of the State Committee for Labor.

In 1989, he moved to the apparatus of the Council of Ministers of the USSR to the position of head of the consolidated economic department.

In July-August 1989, Yavlinsky led a group of economists who developed the “400 days of trust” program for radical economic reforms in the USSR.

In July 1990, he was approved as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, Chairman of the State Commission of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR on economic reform. Based on the “400 days”, he developed the concept and program of economic reforms “500 days”.

In October 1990, Yavlinsky resigned due to the fact that the implementation of the “500” days program, approved by the Supreme Council of the RSFSR and the Supreme Councils of the union republics, was delayed.

Yavlinsky is the author of many books, scientific works and articles, including “Lessons of Economic Reform” (1993), “Russian Economy: Legacy and Opportunities” (1995), “Crisis in Russia: the end of the system? The beginning of the path?” (1998), "Demodernization". (2002), “Peripheral capitalism” (2003), “Prospects for Russia” (2006), “Twenty years of reforms - interim results? Russian society as a process” (co-authored, 2011).

Grigory Yavlinsky is the winner of several awards, including the prize of the Czech public Liberal Institute "For his contribution to the development of liberal thinking and the implementation of the ideas of freedom, private property, competition and the rule of law" (2000), "For Freedom" (2004).

Yavlinsky is married and has two sons. His wife, Elena Yavlinskaya, is an engineer-economist by training, previously worked at the Giprouglemash Research Institute, and has been a housewife since 1996. The Yavlinskys' eldest son, Mikhail (born in 1971), graduated from the physics department of Moscow State University and works as a journalist. The youngest son Alexey (born in 1981) works as a research engineer creating computer systems.

The material was prepared based on information from open sources